NAMES OF GOD. By : Executive Committee of the Editorial Board. J. F. McLaughlin Judah David Eisenstein
ARTICLE HEADINGS:
—Biblical Data:
YHWH.
Elohim.
El.
Shaddai and 'Elyon.
Adonai and Ba'al.
Zeba'ot.
—In Rabbinical Literature:
The Name.
Ehyeh-Asher-Ehyeh.
The Seven Names.
Cabalistic Use.
Divine Names in Print.
—Biblical Data:
Like other Hebrew proper names, the name of God is more than a mere distinguishing title. It represents the Hebrew conception of the divine nature or character and of the relation of God to His people. It represents the Deity as He is known to His worshipers, and stands for all those attributes which He bears in relation to them and which are revealed to them through His activity on their behalf. A new manifestation of His interest or care may give rise to a new name. So, also, an old name may acquire new content and significance through new and varied experience of these sacred relations.
It can readily be understood, therefore, how the divine name is often spoken of as equivalent to the divine presence or power or glory. In Ex. xxiii. 20-23 it is promised that Yhwh's angel will lead and give victory to His people, who must yield reverent obedience, for, the Lord says, "my name is in him." The devout Israelite will not take the name of a false god upon his lips (Ex. xxiii. 13; Josh. xxiii. 7; Hosea ii. 16-17; Ps. xvi. 4). To make mention of Yhwh's name is to assert confidence in His strength and present and efficient aid. The name excites emotions of love, joy, and praise (Ps. v. 11; vii. 17; ix. 2; xx. 1, 7). That name is, therefore, especially connected with the altar or sanctuary, the place where God records His name (Ex. xx. 24), or "the place which the Lord your God shall choose out of all your tribes to put His name there" (Deut. xii. 5; comp. I Kings viii. 16, 29; ix. 3; Jer. vii. 12). The Temple is "the place of the name of the Lord of hosts, the mount Zion" (Isa. xviii. 7). In one or two comparatively late passages "the Name" () is used absolutely, doubtless as an equivalent for "the name of Yhwh" (Lev. xxiv. 11, 16; comp. Deut. xxviii. 58).
YHWH.
Of the names of God in the Old Testament, that which occurs most frequently (6,823 times) is the so-called Tetragrammaton, Yhwh (), the distinctive personal name of the God of Israel. This name is commonly represented in modern translations by the form "Jehovah," which, however, is a philological impossibility (see Jehovah). This form has arisen through attempting to pronounce the consonants of the name with the vowels of Adonai ( = "Lord"), which the Masorites have inserted in the text, indicating thereby that Adonai was to be read (as a "keri perpetuum") instead of Yhwh. When the name Adonai itself precedes, to avoid repetition of this name, Yhwh is written by the Masorites with the vowels of Elohim, in which case Elohim is read instead of Yhwh. In consequence of this Masoretic reading the authorized and revised English versions (though not the American edition of the revised version) render Yhwh by the word "Lord" in the great majority of cases.
This name, according to the narrative in Ex. iii. (E), was made known to Moses in a vision at Horeb. In another, parallel narrative (Ex. vi. 2, 3, P) it is stated that the name was not known to the Patriarchs. It is used by one of the documentary sources of Genesis (J), but scarcely if at all by the others. Its use is avoided by some later writers also. It does not occur in Ecclesiastes, and in Daniel is found only in ch. ix. The writer of Chronicles shows a preference for the form Elohim, and in Ps. xlii.-lxxxiii. Elohim occurs much more frequently than Yhwh, probably having been substituted in some places for the latter name, as in Ps. liii. (comp. Ps. xiv.).
In appearance, Yhwh () is the third person singular imperfect "kal" of the verb ("to be"), meaning, therefore, "He is," or "He will be," or, perhaps, "He lives," the root idea of the word being,probably, "to blow," "to breathe," and hence, "to live." With this explanation agrees the meaning of the name given in Ex. iii. 14, where God is represented as speaking, and hence as using the first person—"I am" (, from , the later equivalent of the archaic stem ). The meaning would, therefore, be "He who is self-existing, self-sufficient," or, more concretely, "He who lives," the abstract conception of pure existence being foreign to Hebrew thought. There is no doubt that the idea of life was intimately connected with the name Yhwh from early times. He is the living God, as contrasted with the lifeless gods of the heathen, and He is the source and author of life (comp. I Kings xviii.; Isa. xli. 26-29, xliv. 6-20; Jer. x. 10, 14; Gen. ii. 7; etc.). So familiar is this conception of God to the Hebrew mind that it appears in the common formula of an oath, "hai Yhwh" (= "as Yhwh lives"; Ruth iii. 13; I Sam. xiv. 45; etc.).
If the explanation of the form above given be the true one, the original pronunciation must have been Yahweh () or Yahaweh (). From this the contracted form Jah or Yah () is most readily explained, and also the forms Jeho or Yeho ( = ), and Jo or Yo (, contracted from ), which the word assumes in combination in the first part of compound proper names, and Yahu or Yah () in the second part of such names. The fact may also be mentioned that in Samaritan poetry rimes with words similar in ending to Yahweh, and Theodoret ("Quæst. 15 in Exodum") states that the Samaritans pronounced the name 'Iαβέ. Epiphanius ascribes the same pronunciation to an early Christian sect. Clement of Alexandria, still more exactly, pronounces 'Iαουέ or 'Iαουαί, and Origen, 'Iα. Aquila wrote the name in archaic Hebrew letters. In the Jewish-Egyptian magic-papyri it appears as Ιαωουηε. At least as early as the third century B.C. the name seems to have been regarded by the Jews as a "nomen ineffabile," on the basis of a somewhat extreme interpretation of Ex. xx. 7 and Lev. xxiv. 11 (see Philo, "De Vita Mosis," iii. 519, 529). Written only in consonants, the true pronunciation was forgotten by them. The Septuagint, and after it the New Testament, invariably render δκύριος ("the Lord").
Various conjectures have been made in recent times respecting a possible foreign origin of this name. Some derive it from the Kenites, with whom Moses sojourned, Sinai, the ancient dwelling-place of Yhwh, having been, according to the oldest tradition, in the Kenite country. A Canaanite, and, again, a Babylonian, origin have been proposed, but upon grounds which are still uncertain. Various explanations of the meaning of the name, differing from that given above, have been proposed: e.g., (1) that it is derived from ("to fall"), and originally designated some sacred object, such as a stone, possibly an acrolite, which was believed to have fallen from heaven; (2) or from ("to blow"), a name for the god of wind and storm; (3) or from the "hif'il" form of ("to be"), meaning, "He who causes to be," "the Creator"; (4) or from the same root, with the meaning "to fall," "He who causes to fall" the rain and the thunderbolt—"the storm-god." The first explanation, following Ex. iii. 14, is, on the whole, to be preferred.
Elohim.
The most common of the originally appellative names of God is Elohim (), plural in form though commonly construed with a singular verb or adjective. This is, most probably, to be explained as the plural of majesty or excellence, expressing high dignity or greatness: comp. the similar use of plurals of "ba'al" (master) and "adon" (lord). In Ethiopic, Amlak ("lords") is the common name for God. The singular, Eloah (), is comparatively rare, occurring only in poetry and late prose (in Job, 41 times). The same divine name is found in Arabic (ilah) and in Aramaic (elah). The singular is used in six places for heathen deities (II Chron. xxxii. 15; Dan. xi. 37, 38; etc.); and the plural also, a few times, either for gods or images (Ex. ix. 1, xii. 12, xx. 3; etc.) or for one god (Ex. xxxii. 1; Gen. xxxi. 30, 32; etc.). In the great majority of cases both are used as names of the one God of Israel.
The root-meaning of the word is unknown. The most probable theory is that it may be connected with the old Arabic verb "alih" (to be perplexed, afraid; to seek refuge because of fear). Eloah, Elohim, would, therefore, be "He who is the object of fear or reverence," or "He with whom one who is afraid takes refuge" (comp. the name "fear of Isaac" in Gen. xxxi. 42, 53; see also Isa. viii. 13; Ps. lxxvi. 12). The predominance of this name in the later writings, as compared with the more distinctively Hebrew national name Yhwh, may have been due to the broadening idea of God as the transcendent and universal Lord.
El.
The word El () appears in Assyrian (ilu) and Phenician, as well as in Hebrew, as an ordinary name of God. It is found also in the South-Arabian dialects, and in Aramaic, Arabic, and Ethiopic, as also in Hebrew, as an element in proper names. It is used in both the singular and plural, both for other gods and for the God of Israel. As a name of God, however, it is used chiefly in poetry and prophetic discourse, rarely in prose, and then usually with some epithet attached, as "a jealous God." Other examples of its use with some attribute or epithet are: El 'Elyon ("most high God"), El Shaddai ("God Almighty"), El 'Olam ("everlasting God"), El hai ("living God"), El Ro'i ("God of seeing"), El Elohe Israel ("God, the God of Israel"), El Gibbor ("Hero God").
The commonly accepted derivation of this name from the Hebrew root , "to be strong," is extremely doubtful. A similar root has been explained from the Arabic as meaning "to be in front," "to be foremost," "to lead," "to rule," which would give the meaning "leader," "lord." But the fact that the e in El was originally short, as seen in such proper names as Elkanah, Elihu (), and in the Assyrian "ilu," is strong evidence against this derivation. As in the case of Elohim, it is necessary to admit that the original meaning is not certainly known.
Shaddai and 'Elyon.
The word Shaddai (), which occurs along with El, is also used independently as a name of God,chiefly in the Book of Job. It is commonly rendered "the Almighty" (in LXX., sometimes παντοκράτωρ). The Hebrew root "shadad," from which it has been supposed to be derived, means, however, "to overpower," "to treat with violence," "to lay waste." This would give Shaddai the meaning "devastator," or "destroyer," which can hardly be right. It is possible, however, that the original significance was that of "overmastering" or "overpowering strength," and that this meaning persists in the divine name. Another interesting suggestion is that it may be connected with the Assyrian "shadu" (mountain), an epithet sometimes attached to the names of Assyrian deities. It is conjectured also that the pointing of may be due to an improbable rabbinical explanation of the word as ("He who is sufficient"), and that the word originally may have been without the doubling of the middle letter. According to Ex. vi. 2, 3, this is the name by which God was known to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.
The name 'Elyon () occurs with El, with Yhwh, with Elohim, and also alone, chiefly in poetic and late passages. According to Philo Byblius (Eusebius, "Præparatio Evangelica," i. 10), the Phenicians used what appears to be the same name for God, 'Eλιον.
Adonai and Ba'al.
Adonai () occurs as a name of God apart from its use by the Masorites as a substituted reading for Yhwh. It was, probably, at first Adoni ("my Lord") or Adonai ("my Lord," plural of majesty), and later assumed this form, as a proper name, to distinguish it from other uses of the same word. The simple form Adon, with and without the article, also occurs as a divine name. The name Ba'al (), apparently as an equivalent for Yhwh, occurs as an element in a number of compound proper names, such as Jerubbaal, Ishbaal, Meribaal, etc. Some of these names, probably at a time when the name of Baal had fallen into disrepute (comp. Hosea ii. 16, 17), seem to have been changed by the substitution of El or Bosheth for Baal (comp. II Sam. ii. 8, iv. 4, v. 16; I Chron. viii. 33, 34; ix. 39, 40; xiv. 7).
Other titles applied to the God of Israel, but which can scarcely be called names, are the following: Abir ("Strong One" of Jacob or Israel; Gen. xlix. 24; Isa. i. 24; etc.); kedosh Yisrael ("Holy One of Israel"; Isa. i.4, xxxi. 1; etc.); Zur ("Rock") and Zur Yisrael ("Rock of Israel"; II Sam. xxiii. 3; Isa. xxx. 29; Deut. xxxii. 4, 18, 30); Eben Yisrael ("Stone of Israel"; Gen. xlix. 24 [text doubtful]).
Zeba'ot.
The names Yhwh and Elohim frequently occur with the word Zeba'ot ("hosts"), as Yhwh Elohe Zeba'ot ("Yhwh God of Hosts") or "God of Hosts"; or, most frequently, "Yhwh of Hosts." To this last Adonai is often prefixed, making the title "Lord Yhwh of Hosts." This compound divine name occurs chiefly in the prophetic literature and does not appear at all in the Pentateuch or in Joshua or Judges. The original meaning of Zeba'ot is probably to be found in I Sam. xvii. 45, where "Yhwh Zeba'ot" is interpreted as denoting "the God of the armies of Israel" (comp. Josh. v. 13-15; Isa. xiii. 4). The word, apart from this special use, always means armies or hosts of men, as, for example, in Ex. vi. 26, vii. 4, xii. 41, while the singular "Zaba" is used to designate the heavenly host. It is noteworthy also that the name Yhwh Zeba'ot is more than once directly associated with the Ark, which was the symbol of God's presence in the midst of the hosts of His people (Num. x. 35, 36; I Sam. iv. 4; II Sam. vi. 2). Later, and especially in prophetic usage, the word was transferred to the heavenly hosts, or rather the heavenly were added to the earthly hosts. For this idea of heavenly hosts joining their forces with those of God's people, or fighting on behalf of God's servants, compare Judges v. 20; II Kings vi. 16, 17; Ps. xxxiv. 7, lxviii. 17.
Bibliography: Gray, Hebrew Proper Names, London, 1896;
Driver, The Book of Genesis, excursus i., pp. 402-409, London, 1904;
Spurrell, Hebrew Text of Genesis, Appendix ii.;
Driver, on the Tetragrammaton, in Studia Biblica, vol. i., Oxford, 1885;
Kuenen, Religion of Israel (English transl.), i. 41-42;
Monteflore, Religion of Hebrews, pp. 50-53, London, 1893.E. C. J. F. McL.
—In Rabbinical Literature:
The Rabbis as well as the cabalists steadfastly maintained their belief in monotheism. Hence they recognized only one proper name for the Deity, considering the other names as appellations or titles signifying divinity, perfection, and power, or as characterizing His acts as observed and appreciated by mankind in the various stages of their development. The cabalists illustrate this by the instance of one who looks at the sun through various-colored glasses, which change the impressions produced upon the observer, but do not affect the sun.
The Name.
The name Yhwh is considered as the Name proper; it was known in the earliest rabbinical works simply as the Name; also as Shem ha-Meyuhad ("the Extraordinary Name"; Sifre, Num. 143); as Shem ha-Meforash ("the Distinguished Name"; Yoma vi. 2); as Shem ben Arba' Otiyyot ("the Tetragrammaton" or "the Quadriliteral Name"; kid. 71a); and as Yod He Waw He (spelling the letters of Yhwh). The pronunciation of the written Name was used only by the priests in the Temple when blessing the people (Num. vi. 22-27); outside the Temple they used the title "Adonai" (Sotah vii. 6; p. 38a). The high priest mentioned the Name on Yom Kippur ten times (Tosef., Yoma, ii.; 39b). R. Johanan said the sages delivered to their disciples the key to the Name once in every Sabbatical year. The sages quoted, "This is my name for ever, and this is my memorial unto all generations" (Ex. iii. 15). Here the word "le-'olam" (forever) is written defectively, being without the "waw" for the vowel "o," which renders the reading "le-'allem" (to conceal; kid. 71a). See Shem ha-Meforash.
The restriction upon communicating the Name proper probably originated in Oriental etiquette; in the East even a teacher was not called by name. For naming his master Elisha, Gehazi was punished with leprosy (II Kings viii. 5; Sanh. 100a). After the death of the high priest Simeon the Righteous, forty years prior to the destruction of the Temple, the priests ceased to pronounce the Name (Yoma39b). From that time the pronunciation of the Name was prohibited. "Whoever pronounces the Name forfeits his portion in the future world" (Sanh. xi. 1). Hananiah ben teradion was punished for teaching his disciples the pronunciation of the Name ('Ab. Zarah 17b). It appears that a majority of the priests in the last days of the Temple were unworthy to pronounce the Name, and a combination of the letters or of the equivalents of the letters constituting the Name was employed by the priests in the Temple. Thus the Twelve-Lettered Name was substituted, which, a baraita says, was at first taught to every priest; but with the increase of the number of licentious priests the Name was revealed only to the pious ones, who "swallowed" its pronunciation while the other priests were chanting. Another combination, the Forty-two-Lettered Name, Rab says, was taught only to whomever was known to be of good character and disposition, temperate, and in the prime of life (kid. 71a; comp. Rashi to 'Ab. Zarah 17b). Maimonides, in his "Moreh," thinks that these names were perhaps composed of several other divine names.
Ehyeh-Asher-Ehyeh.
The Incommunicable Name was pronounced "Adonai," and where Adonai and Yhwh occur together the latter was pronounced "Elohim." After the destruction of the Second Temple there remained no trace of knowledge as to the pronunciation of the Name (see Jehovah). The commentators, however, agree as to its interpretation, that it denotes the eternal and everlasting existence of God, and that it is a composition of (meaning "a Being of the Past, the Present, and the Future"). The name Ehyeh () denotes His potency in the immediate future, and is part of Yhwh. The phrase "ehyeh-asher-ehyeh" (Ex. iii. 14) is interpreted by some authorities as "I will be because I will be," using the second part as a gloss and referring to God's promise, "Certainly I will be [ehyeh] with thee" (Ex. iii. 12). Other authorities claim that the whole phrase forms one name. The Targum Onkelos leaves the phrase untranslated and is so quoted in the Talmud (B. B. 73a). The "I AM THAT I AM" of the Authorized Version is based on this view.
The name Yah () is composed of the first letters of Yhwh. There is a difference of opinion between Rab and R. Samuel as to whether or not "hallelujah" is a compound word or two separate words meaning "praise ye Yah" (Yer. Meg. i. 9; Pes. 117a). The name Ho () is declared to be the middle part of Yhwh and an abridged form of the Name (Shab. 104a; Suk. iv. 5).
Elohim denotes multiplied power, that is, the Almighty, and describes God as the Creator of nature. R. Jacob Asheri, the author of the "turim," in his annotations to the Pentateuch, says the numerical value of the letters in ("Elohim") equals the value (86) of those in ("nature"). Elohim represents the force of "din" (fixed laws), while Yhwh is the modification of the natural laws and the elements of "rahamim" (mercy and leniency) as reflected in the developed state of mankind. In the Zohar, R. Simeon says the Divine Name (Yhwh) was mentioned only when the world was perfected, and quotes Gen. ii. 4 (Hebr.)—"in the day that Yhwh made the earth and the heavens." The word "'asot" is interpreted as "perfected," after the Creation (Zohar, Yitro, 88a, ed. Wilna, 1882). El is part of Elohim, meaning simply "power" (= "mighty"). "Shaddai" is explained as "the selfsufficient" ("she-dai hu lo").
The sacredness of the divine names must be recognized by the professional scribe who writes the Scriptures, or the chapters for the phylacteries and the mezuzah. Before transcribing any of the divine names he prepares mentally to sanctify them. Once he begins a name he does not stop until it is finished, and he must not be interrupted while writing it, even to greet a king. If an error is made in writing it, it may not be erased, but a line must be drawn round it to show that it is canceled, and the whole page must be put in a genizah and a new page begun.
The Seven Names.
The number of divine names that require the scribe's special care is seven: El, Elohim, Adonai, Yhwh, Ehyeh-Asher-Ehyeh, Shaddai, and Zeba'ot. R. Jose, however, considered Zeba'ot a common name (Soferim iv. 1; Yer. R. H. i. 1; Ab. R. N. xxxiv.; "Sefer YeZirah," ix.). R. Ishmael held that even Elohim is common (Sanh. 66a). All other names, such as Merciful, Gracious, and Faithful, merely represent attributes that are common also to human beings (Sheb. 35a). The prohibition of blasphemy, for which capital punishment is prescribed, refers only to the Name proper—Yhwh (Soferim iv., end; comp. Sanh. 66a). In many of the passages in which "clohim" occurs in the Bible it refers to Gentile deities, or in some instances to powerful or learned men (comp. Gen. iii. 5; ), to judges (Ex. xxi. 6), or to Israel (Ps. lxxxi. 9, lxxxii. 6; see Tan., kedoshim). Adonai sometimes refers to a distinguished person (comp. Gen. xviii. 3). Even the name Yhwh, misused in the narrative of Micah (Judges xvii. 2, 3, 13; xviii. 6), is not a divine name, according to the decisive authority (Sheb. 35b). A list of all the doubtful divine names found in the Scriptures is given in Soferim and in the codes.
The Talmud says Shalom ("Peace"; Judges vi. 23) is the name of God, consequently one is not permitted to greet another with the word "shalom" in unholy places (Shab. 10b). The name Shelomoh (from shalom) refers to the God of Peace, and the Rabbis assert that the Song of Solomon is a dramatization of the love of God: "Shalom" to His people Israel = "Shulamite." "King of kings" in Dan. ii. 37 refers to God. "'Attik Yamin" (ib. vii. 9) refers to the Ancient One of the universe (see Yalk., Chron. 1076). The pronoun "Ani" (I) is a name of God (Suk. iv. 5). The first verse in Ezekiel ("we-Ani") refers to God (Tos. Suk. 45a). Hillel's epigram "If I [am] here everything is here" (Suk. 53a) is interpreted as referring to God. The divine names are called in the Talmud "Azkarot," or "Adkarata" in the Aramaic form. Divine names that occur in the handwriting of minim should be excised and buried in the genizah (Shab. 116a; Cant. R. ii. 4). God is named also Ha-Geburah ("The Majesty"; Shab.87a), but generally Ha-Makom. ("The Omnipresence"),accompanied with Baruk-hu ("Praised be He"). For other appellations see list below.
It became the custom at an early period to use the name of God in personal greetings, as "The Lord be with thee," or "The Lord bless thee" (Ruth ii. 4; Ber. ix. 1; comp. Mak. 23a). The Greek inquisition in Judea prohibited the utterance of God's name, but when the Hasmoneans became victorious they decreed that the Name should be mentioned even in notes and documents. The formula began: "On . . . in the year of the high priest Johanan, the servant of the Most High God." The sages, however, opposed this innovation, as they thought the Name would be defiled when the notes were canceled and thrown away as useless. Consequently on the third day of Tishri following, the record says, the Rabbis forbade the mention of God's name in documents (Meg. Ta'anit; R. H. 18b).
Cabalistic Use.
The cabalists, in their system of cosmology, explained the significance of the names and added other divine names. The most important name is that of the En Sof ("Infinite" or "Endless"), who is above the Sefirot. The Forty-two-Lettered Name contains the combined names of (spelled in letters = 42 letters), which is the name of AZilut ("Animation"). The cabalists added the Forty-five-Lettered Name as being the equivalent in value of Yhwh ( = 45). The name is derived from Prov. xxx. 4—"what is his name?" The numerical value of the letters (= "what") equals 45 (Zohar, Yitro, 79a). The Seventy-two-Lettered Name is derived from three verses in Exodus (xiv. 19-21) beginning with "Wayyissa'," "Wayyabo," "Wayyet," respectively. Each of the verses contains 72 letters, and when combined they form the following names:
(see image)
The first and third verses are to be read forward and the second verse backward, one letter of each word respectively in the above order from right to left. Rashi, also, in his comment to Suk. 45a, mentions this scheme (see Zohar, Beshallah, 52a, and Appendix, 270a, ed. Wilna). A combination of the Seventy-two-Lettered Name appeared on the Urim and Thummim, consisting of the names of the Twelve Tribes (50 letters), of the Patriarchs (13 letters), and of the "Shibte Yisrael" (the tribes of Israel; 9 letters). When the Urim and Thummim were consulted in regard to any matter this divine name lit up the letters, which were brought into relief according to R. Johanan, or into such a combination, according to Resh Lakish, as to make the answer intelligible (Yoma 73b). Ibn Ezra figures the Seventy-two-Lettered Name as the equivalent in value of the name Yhwh spelled with the names of the letters (=72).
The divine names of God, the Haggadah says, were used to perform miracles by those who knew their combinations. King David, on making excavations for the Temple, and finding that the deep was moving upward, asked for permission to stop its rising, which threatened to destroy the world, by inscribing the name of God on a potsherd and throwing it into the deep. His minister Ahithophel, who was well versed in the Law, permitted it (Mak. 11a). The manipulation of the sacred letters forming the divine names was the means used to create the world ("Sefer YeZirah," ix.). By a similar method some of the Talmudists are credited with having created living animals (Sanh. 65b, 67b); in later times others succeeded by the same means in creating the golem (see Golem).
Divine Names in Print.
Awe at the sacredness of the names of God and eagerness to manifest respect and reverence for them made the scribes pause before copying them. The text of the Scriptures was of course left unchanged; but in the Targumim the name Yhwh was replaced by two "yods" with a "waw" over them, thus: , which letters are equal in value to Yhwh (=26). In their commentaries the authors substituted Elohim by Elokim () and Yhwh by Ydwd (). For other changes see list below. In kimhi's commentary on the Prophets (ed. Soncino, 1485) the printer apologizes for changing the "he" of Yhwh to a "dalet" and the "he" of Elohim to a "kof," "in honor and reverence for His Name, for sometimes copies may be lost and become liable to misuse." In Hebrew literature generally and in Hebrew letter-writing the name of God is represented by the letter "he" or "dalet" with an accent over it, thus: or . Authors of Hebrew theological works begin their introductions generally with four words whose initial letters form the name Yhwh (e.g., ).
The following names and transcriptions of the names of God are found in rabbinical writings (the names mentioned in the Bible also are not given):
see For the Name of Yhwh.
see table
see Cabalistic.
see Special Appellations.
Sunday, November 29, 2009
NAMES OF GOD. By : Executive Committee of the Editorial Board. J. F. McLaughlin Judah David Eisenstein
ARTICLE HEADINGS:
—Biblical Data:
YHWH.
Elohim.
El.
Shaddai and 'Elyon.
Adonai and Ba'al.
Zeba'ot.
—In Rabbinical Literature:
The Name.
Ehyeh-Asher-Ehyeh.
The Seven Names.
Cabalistic Use.
Divine Names in Print.
—Biblical Data:
Like other Hebrew proper names, the name of God is more than a mere distinguishing title. It represents the Hebrew conception of the divine nature or character and of the relation of God to His people. It represents the Deity as He is known to His worshipers, and stands for all those attributes which He bears in relation to them and which are revealed to them through His activity on their behalf. A new manifestation of His interest or care may give rise to a new name. So, also, an old name may acquire new content and significance through new and varied experience of these sacred relations.
It can readily be understood, therefore, how the divine name is often spoken of as equivalent to the divine presence or power or glory. In Ex. xxiii. 20-23 it is promised that Yhwh's angel will lead and give victory to His people, who must yield reverent obedience, for, the Lord says, "my name is in him." The devout Israelite will not take the name of a false god upon his lips (Ex. xxiii. 13; Josh. xxiii. 7; Hosea ii. 16-17; Ps. xvi. 4). To make mention of Yhwh's name is to assert confidence in His strength and present and efficient aid. The name excites emotions of love, joy, and praise (Ps. v. 11; vii. 17; ix. 2; xx. 1, 7). That name is, therefore, especially connected with the altar or sanctuary, the place where God records His name (Ex. xx. 24), or "the place which the Lord your God shall choose out of all your tribes to put His name there" (Deut. xii. 5; comp. I Kings viii. 16, 29; ix. 3; Jer. vii. 12). The Temple is "the place of the name of the Lord of hosts, the mount Zion" (Isa. xviii. 7). In one or two comparatively late passages "the Name" () is used absolutely, doubtless as an equivalent for "the name of Yhwh" (Lev. xxiv. 11, 16; comp. Deut. xxviii. 58).
YHWH.
Of the names of God in the Old Testament, that which occurs most frequently (6,823 times) is the so-called Tetragrammaton, Yhwh (), the distinctive personal name of the God of Israel. This name is commonly represented in modern translations by the form "Jehovah," which, however, is a philological impossibility (see Jehovah). This form has arisen through attempting to pronounce the consonants of the name with the vowels of Adonai ( = "Lord"), which the Masorites have inserted in the text, indicating thereby that Adonai was to be read (as a "keri perpetuum") instead of Yhwh. When the name Adonai itself precedes, to avoid repetition of this name, Yhwh is written by the Masorites with the vowels of Elohim, in which case Elohim is read instead of Yhwh. In consequence of this Masoretic reading the authorized and revised English versions (though not the American edition of the revised version) render Yhwh by the word "Lord" in the great majority of cases.
This name, according to the narrative in Ex. iii. (E), was made known to Moses in a vision at Horeb. In another, parallel narrative (Ex. vi. 2, 3, P) it is stated that the name was not known to the Patriarchs. It is used by one of the documentary sources of Genesis (J), but scarcely if at all by the others. Its use is avoided by some later writers also. It does not occur in Ecclesiastes, and in Daniel is found only in ch. ix. The writer of Chronicles shows a preference for the form Elohim, and in Ps. xlii.-lxxxiii. Elohim occurs much more frequently than Yhwh, probably having been substituted in some places for the latter name, as in Ps. liii. (comp. Ps. xiv.).
In appearance, Yhwh () is the third person singular imperfect "kal" of the verb ("to be"), meaning, therefore, "He is," or "He will be," or, perhaps, "He lives," the root idea of the word being,probably, "to blow," "to breathe," and hence, "to live." With this explanation agrees the meaning of the name given in Ex. iii. 14, where God is represented as speaking, and hence as using the first person—"I am" (, from , the later equivalent of the archaic stem ). The meaning would, therefore, be "He who is self-existing, self-sufficient," or, more concretely, "He who lives," the abstract conception of pure existence being foreign to Hebrew thought. There is no doubt that the idea of life was intimately connected with the name Yhwh from early times. He is the living God, as contrasted with the lifeless gods of the heathen, and He is the source and author of life (comp. I Kings xviii.; Isa. xli. 26-29, xliv. 6-20; Jer. x. 10, 14; Gen. ii. 7; etc.). So familiar is this conception of God to the Hebrew mind that it appears in the common formula of an oath, "hai Yhwh" (= "as Yhwh lives"; Ruth iii. 13; I Sam. xiv. 45; etc.).
If the explanation of the form above given be the true one, the original pronunciation must have been Yahweh () or Yahaweh (). From this the contracted form Jah or Yah () is most readily explained, and also the forms Jeho or Yeho ( = ), and Jo or Yo (, contracted from ), which the word assumes in combination in the first part of compound proper names, and Yahu or Yah () in the second part of such names. The fact may also be mentioned that in Samaritan poetry rimes with words similar in ending to Yahweh, and Theodoret ("Quæst. 15 in Exodum") states that the Samaritans pronounced the name 'Iαβέ. Epiphanius ascribes the same pronunciation to an early Christian sect. Clement of Alexandria, still more exactly, pronounces 'Iαουέ or 'Iαουαί, and Origen, 'Iα. Aquila wrote the name in archaic Hebrew letters. In the Jewish-Egyptian magic-papyri it appears as Ιαωουηε. At least as early as the third century B.C. the name seems to have been regarded by the Jews as a "nomen ineffabile," on the basis of a somewhat extreme interpretation of Ex. xx. 7 and Lev. xxiv. 11 (see Philo, "De Vita Mosis," iii. 519, 529). Written only in consonants, the true pronunciation was forgotten by them. The Septuagint, and after it the New Testament, invariably render δκύριος ("the Lord").
Various conjectures have been made in recent times respecting a possible foreign origin of this name. Some derive it from the Kenites, with whom Moses sojourned, Sinai, the ancient dwelling-place of Yhwh, having been, according to the oldest tradition, in the Kenite country. A Canaanite, and, again, a Babylonian, origin have been proposed, but upon grounds which are still uncertain. Various explanations of the meaning of the name, differing from that given above, have been proposed: e.g., (1) that it is derived from ("to fall"), and originally designated some sacred object, such as a stone, possibly an acrolite, which was believed to have fallen from heaven; (2) or from ("to blow"), a name for the god of wind and storm; (3) or from the "hif'il" form of ("to be"), meaning, "He who causes to be," "the Creator"; (4) or from the same root, with the meaning "to fall," "He who causes to fall" the rain and the thunderbolt—"the storm-god." The first explanation, following Ex. iii. 14, is, on the whole, to be preferred.
Elohim.
The most common of the originally appellative names of God is Elohim (), plural in form though commonly construed with a singular verb or adjective. This is, most probably, to be explained as the plural of majesty or excellence, expressing high dignity or greatness: comp. the similar use of plurals of "ba'al" (master) and "adon" (lord). In Ethiopic, Amlak ("lords") is the common name for God. The singular, Eloah (), is comparatively rare, occurring only in poetry and late prose (in Job, 41 times). The same divine name is found in Arabic (ilah) and in Aramaic (elah). The singular is used in six places for heathen deities (II Chron. xxxii. 15; Dan. xi. 37, 38; etc.); and the plural also, a few times, either for gods or images (Ex. ix. 1, xii. 12, xx. 3; etc.) or for one god (Ex. xxxii. 1; Gen. xxxi. 30, 32; etc.). In the great majority of cases both are used as names of the one God of Israel.
The root-meaning of the word is unknown. The most probable theory is that it may be connected with the old Arabic verb "alih" (to be perplexed, afraid; to seek refuge because of fear). Eloah, Elohim, would, therefore, be "He who is the object of fear or reverence," or "He with whom one who is afraid takes refuge" (comp. the name "fear of Isaac" in Gen. xxxi. 42, 53; see also Isa. viii. 13; Ps. lxxvi. 12). The predominance of this name in the later writings, as compared with the more distinctively Hebrew national name Yhwh, may have been due to the broadening idea of God as the transcendent and universal Lord.
El.
The word El () appears in Assyrian (ilu) and Phenician, as well as in Hebrew, as an ordinary name of God. It is found also in the South-Arabian dialects, and in Aramaic, Arabic, and Ethiopic, as also in Hebrew, as an element in proper names. It is used in both the singular and plural, both for other gods and for the God of Israel. As a name of God, however, it is used chiefly in poetry and prophetic discourse, rarely in prose, and then usually with some epithet attached, as "a jealous God." Other examples of its use with some attribute or epithet are: El 'Elyon ("most high God"), El Shaddai ("God Almighty"), El 'Olam ("everlasting God"), El hai ("living God"), El Ro'i ("God of seeing"), El Elohe Israel ("God, the God of Israel"), El Gibbor ("Hero God").
The commonly accepted derivation of this name from the Hebrew root , "to be strong," is extremely doubtful. A similar root has been explained from the Arabic as meaning "to be in front," "to be foremost," "to lead," "to rule," which would give the meaning "leader," "lord." But the fact that the e in El was originally short, as seen in such proper names as Elkanah, Elihu (), and in the Assyrian "ilu," is strong evidence against this derivation. As in the case of Elohim, it is necessary to admit that the original meaning is not certainly known.
Shaddai and 'Elyon.
The word Shaddai (), which occurs along with El, is also used independently as a name of God,chiefly in the Book of Job. It is commonly rendered "the Almighty" (in LXX., sometimes παντοκράτωρ). The Hebrew root "shadad," from which it has been supposed to be derived, means, however, "to overpower," "to treat with violence," "to lay waste." This would give Shaddai the meaning "devastator," or "destroyer," which can hardly be right. It is possible, however, that the original significance was that of "overmastering" or "overpowering strength," and that this meaning persists in the divine name. Another interesting suggestion is that it may be connected with the Assyrian "shadu" (mountain), an epithet sometimes attached to the names of Assyrian deities. It is conjectured also that the pointing of may be due to an improbable rabbinical explanation of the word as ("He who is sufficient"), and that the word originally may have been without the doubling of the middle letter. According to Ex. vi. 2, 3, this is the name by which God was known to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.
The name 'Elyon () occurs with El, with Yhwh, with Elohim, and also alone, chiefly in poetic and late passages. According to Philo Byblius (Eusebius, "Præparatio Evangelica," i. 10), the Phenicians used what appears to be the same name for God, 'Eλιον.
Adonai and Ba'al.
Adonai () occurs as a name of God apart from its use by the Masorites as a substituted reading for Yhwh. It was, probably, at first Adoni ("my Lord") or Adonai ("my Lord," plural of majesty), and later assumed this form, as a proper name, to distinguish it from other uses of the same word. The simple form Adon, with and without the article, also occurs as a divine name. The name Ba'al (), apparently as an equivalent for Yhwh, occurs as an element in a number of compound proper names, such as Jerubbaal, Ishbaal, Meribaal, etc. Some of these names, probably at a time when the name of Baal had fallen into disrepute (comp. Hosea ii. 16, 17), seem to have been changed by the substitution of El or Bosheth for Baal (comp. II Sam. ii. 8, iv. 4, v. 16; I Chron. viii. 33, 34; ix. 39, 40; xiv. 7).
Other titles applied to the God of Israel, but which can scarcely be called names, are the following: Abir ("Strong One" of Jacob or Israel; Gen. xlix. 24; Isa. i. 24; etc.); kedosh Yisrael ("Holy One of Israel"; Isa. i.4, xxxi. 1; etc.); Zur ("Rock") and Zur Yisrael ("Rock of Israel"; II Sam. xxiii. 3; Isa. xxx. 29; Deut. xxxii. 4, 18, 30); Eben Yisrael ("Stone of Israel"; Gen. xlix. 24 [text doubtful]).
Zeba'ot.
The names Yhwh and Elohim frequently occur with the word Zeba'ot ("hosts"), as Yhwh Elohe Zeba'ot ("Yhwh God of Hosts") or "God of Hosts"; or, most frequently, "Yhwh of Hosts." To this last Adonai is often prefixed, making the title "Lord Yhwh of Hosts." This compound divine name occurs chiefly in the prophetic literature and does not appear at all in the Pentateuch or in Joshua or Judges. The original meaning of Zeba'ot is probably to be found in I Sam. xvii. 45, where "Yhwh Zeba'ot" is interpreted as denoting "the God of the armies of Israel" (comp. Josh. v. 13-15; Isa. xiii. 4). The word, apart from this special use, always means armies or hosts of men, as, for example, in Ex. vi. 26, vii. 4, xii. 41, while the singular "Zaba" is used to designate the heavenly host. It is noteworthy also that the name Yhwh Zeba'ot is more than once directly associated with the Ark, which was the symbol of God's presence in the midst of the hosts of His people (Num. x. 35, 36; I Sam. iv. 4; II Sam. vi. 2). Later, and especially in prophetic usage, the word was transferred to the heavenly hosts, or rather the heavenly were added to the earthly hosts. For this idea of heavenly hosts joining their forces with those of God's people, or fighting on behalf of God's servants, compare Judges v. 20; II Kings vi. 16, 17; Ps. xxxiv. 7, lxviii. 17.
Bibliography: Gray, Hebrew Proper Names, London, 1896;
Driver, The Book of Genesis, excursus i., pp. 402-409, London, 1904;
Spurrell, Hebrew Text of Genesis, Appendix ii.;
Driver, on the Tetragrammaton, in Studia Biblica, vol. i., Oxford, 1885;
Kuenen, Religion of Israel (English transl.), i. 41-42;
Monteflore, Religion of Hebrews, pp. 50-53, London, 1893.E. C. J. F. McL.
—In Rabbinical Literature:
The Rabbis as well as the cabalists steadfastly maintained their belief in monotheism. Hence they recognized only one proper name for the Deity, considering the other names as appellations or titles signifying divinity, perfection, and power, or as characterizing His acts as observed and appreciated by mankind in the various stages of their development. The cabalists illustrate this by the instance of one who looks at the sun through various-colored glasses, which change the impressions produced upon the observer, but do not affect the sun.
The Name.
The name Yhwh is considered as the Name proper; it was known in the earliest rabbinical works simply as the Name; also as Shem ha-Meyuhad ("the Extraordinary Name"; Sifre, Num. 143); as Shem ha-Meforash ("the Distinguished Name"; Yoma vi. 2); as Shem ben Arba' Otiyyot ("the Tetragrammaton" or "the Quadriliteral Name"; kid. 71a); and as Yod He Waw He (spelling the letters of Yhwh). The pronunciation of the written Name was used only by the priests in the Temple when blessing the people (Num. vi. 22-27); outside the Temple they used the title "Adonai" (Sotah vii. 6; p. 38a). The high priest mentioned the Name on Yom Kippur ten times (Tosef., Yoma, ii.; 39b). R. Johanan said the sages delivered to their disciples the key to the Name once in every Sabbatical year. The sages quoted, "This is my name for ever, and this is my memorial unto all generations" (Ex. iii. 15). Here the word "le-'olam" (forever) is written defectively, being without the "waw" for the vowel "o," which renders the reading "le-'allem" (to conceal; kid. 71a). See Shem ha-Meforash.
The restriction upon communicating the Name proper probably originated in Oriental etiquette; in the East even a teacher was not called by name. For naming his master Elisha, Gehazi was punished with leprosy (II Kings viii. 5; Sanh. 100a). After the death of the high priest Simeon the Righteous, forty years prior to the destruction of the Temple, the priests ceased to pronounce the Name (Yoma39b). From that time the pronunciation of the Name was prohibited. "Whoever pronounces the Name forfeits his portion in the future world" (Sanh. xi. 1). Hananiah ben teradion was punished for teaching his disciples the pronunciation of the Name ('Ab. Zarah 17b). It appears that a majority of the priests in the last days of the Temple were unworthy to pronounce the Name, and a combination of the letters or of the equivalents of the letters constituting the Name was employed by the priests in the Temple. Thus the Twelve-Lettered Name was substituted, which, a baraita says, was at first taught to every priest; but with the increase of the number of licentious priests the Name was revealed only to the pious ones, who "swallowed" its pronunciation while the other priests were chanting. Another combination, the Forty-two-Lettered Name, Rab says, was taught only to whomever was known to be of good character and disposition, temperate, and in the prime of life (kid. 71a; comp. Rashi to 'Ab. Zarah 17b). Maimonides, in his "Moreh," thinks that these names were perhaps composed of several other divine names.
Ehyeh-Asher-Ehyeh.
The Incommunicable Name was pronounced "Adonai," and where Adonai and Yhwh occur together the latter was pronounced "Elohim." After the destruction of the Second Temple there remained no trace of knowledge as to the pronunciation of the Name (see Jehovah). The commentators, however, agree as to its interpretation, that it denotes the eternal and everlasting existence of God, and that it is a composition of (meaning "a Being of the Past, the Present, and the Future"). The name Ehyeh () denotes His potency in the immediate future, and is part of Yhwh. The phrase "ehyeh-asher-ehyeh" (Ex. iii. 14) is interpreted by some authorities as "I will be because I will be," using the second part as a gloss and referring to God's promise, "Certainly I will be [ehyeh] with thee" (Ex. iii. 12). Other authorities claim that the whole phrase forms one name. The Targum Onkelos leaves the phrase untranslated and is so quoted in the Talmud (B. B. 73a). The "I AM THAT I AM" of the Authorized Version is based on this view.
The name Yah () is composed of the first letters of Yhwh. There is a difference of opinion between Rab and R. Samuel as to whether or not "hallelujah" is a compound word or two separate words meaning "praise ye Yah" (Yer. Meg. i. 9; Pes. 117a). The name Ho () is declared to be the middle part of Yhwh and an abridged form of the Name (Shab. 104a; Suk. iv. 5).
Elohim denotes multiplied power, that is, the Almighty, and describes God as the Creator of nature. R. Jacob Asheri, the author of the "turim," in his annotations to the Pentateuch, says the numerical value of the letters in ("Elohim") equals the value (86) of those in ("nature"). Elohim represents the force of "din" (fixed laws), while Yhwh is the modification of the natural laws and the elements of "rahamim" (mercy and leniency) as reflected in the developed state of mankind. In the Zohar, R. Simeon says the Divine Name (Yhwh) was mentioned only when the world was perfected, and quotes Gen. ii. 4 (Hebr.)—"in the day that Yhwh made the earth and the heavens." The word "'asot" is interpreted as "perfected," after the Creation (Zohar, Yitro, 88a, ed. Wilna, 1882). El is part of Elohim, meaning simply "power" (= "mighty"). "Shaddai" is explained as "the selfsufficient" ("she-dai hu lo").
The sacredness of the divine names must be recognized by the professional scribe who writes the Scriptures, or the chapters for the phylacteries and the mezuzah. Before transcribing any of the divine names he prepares mentally to sanctify them. Once he begins a name he does not stop until it is finished, and he must not be interrupted while writing it, even to greet a king. If an error is made in writing it, it may not be erased, but a line must be drawn round it to show that it is canceled, and the whole page must be put in a genizah and a new page begun.
The Seven Names.
The number of divine names that require the scribe's special care is seven: El, Elohim, Adonai, Yhwh, Ehyeh-Asher-Ehyeh, Shaddai, and Zeba'ot. R. Jose, however, considered Zeba'ot a common name (Soferim iv. 1; Yer. R. H. i. 1; Ab. R. N. xxxiv.; "Sefer YeZirah," ix.). R. Ishmael held that even Elohim is common (Sanh. 66a). All other names, such as Merciful, Gracious, and Faithful, merely represent attributes that are common also to human beings (Sheb. 35a). The prohibition of blasphemy, for which capital punishment is prescribed, refers only to the Name proper—Yhwh (Soferim iv., end; comp. Sanh. 66a). In many of the passages in which "clohim" occurs in the Bible it refers to Gentile deities, or in some instances to powerful or learned men (comp. Gen. iii. 5; ), to judges (Ex. xxi. 6), or to Israel (Ps. lxxxi. 9, lxxxii. 6; see Tan., kedoshim). Adonai sometimes refers to a distinguished person (comp. Gen. xviii. 3). Even the name Yhwh, misused in the narrative of Micah (Judges xvii. 2, 3, 13; xviii. 6), is not a divine name, according to the decisive authority (Sheb. 35b). A list of all the doubtful divine names found in the Scriptures is given in Soferim and in the codes.
The Talmud says Shalom ("Peace"; Judges vi. 23) is the name of God, consequently one is not permitted to greet another with the word "shalom" in unholy places (Shab. 10b). The name Shelomoh (from shalom) refers to the God of Peace, and the Rabbis assert that the Song of Solomon is a dramatization of the love of God: "Shalom" to His people Israel = "Shulamite." "King of kings" in Dan. ii. 37 refers to God. "'Attik Yamin" (ib. vii. 9) refers to the Ancient One of the universe (see Yalk., Chron. 1076). The pronoun "Ani" (I) is a name of God (Suk. iv. 5). The first verse in Ezekiel ("we-Ani") refers to God (Tos. Suk. 45a). Hillel's epigram "If I [am] here everything is here" (Suk. 53a) is interpreted as referring to God. The divine names are called in the Talmud "Azkarot," or "Adkarata" in the Aramaic form. Divine names that occur in the handwriting of minim should be excised and buried in the genizah (Shab. 116a; Cant. R. ii. 4). God is named also Ha-Geburah ("The Majesty"; Shab.87a), but generally Ha-Makom. ("The Omnipresence"),accompanied with Baruk-hu ("Praised be He"). For other appellations see list below.
It became the custom at an early period to use the name of God in personal greetings, as "The Lord be with thee," or "The Lord bless thee" (Ruth ii. 4; Ber. ix. 1; comp. Mak. 23a). The Greek inquisition in Judea prohibited the utterance of God's name, but when the Hasmoneans became victorious they decreed that the Name should be mentioned even in notes and documents. The formula began: "On . . . in the year of the high priest Johanan, the servant of the Most High God." The sages, however, opposed this innovation, as they thought the Name would be defiled when the notes were canceled and thrown away as useless. Consequently on the third day of Tishri following, the record says, the Rabbis forbade the mention of God's name in documents (Meg. Ta'anit; R. H. 18b).
Cabalistic Use.
The cabalists, in their system of cosmology, explained the significance of the names and added other divine names. The most important name is that of the En Sof ("Infinite" or "Endless"), who is above the Sefirot. The Forty-two-Lettered Name contains the combined names of (spelled in letters = 42 letters), which is the name of AZilut ("Animation"). The cabalists added the Forty-five-Lettered Name as being the equivalent in value of Yhwh ( = 45). The name is derived from Prov. xxx. 4—"what is his name?" The numerical value of the letters (= "what") equals 45 (Zohar, Yitro, 79a). The Seventy-two-Lettered Name is derived from three verses in Exodus (xiv. 19-21) beginning with "Wayyissa'," "Wayyabo," "Wayyet," respectively. Each of the verses contains 72 letters, and when combined they form the following names:
(see image)
The first and third verses are to be read forward and the second verse backward, one letter of each word respectively in the above order from right to left. Rashi, also, in his comment to Suk. 45a, mentions this scheme (see Zohar, Beshallah, 52a, and Appendix, 270a, ed. Wilna). A combination of the Seventy-two-Lettered Name appeared on the Urim and Thummim, consisting of the names of the Twelve Tribes (50 letters), of the Patriarchs (13 letters), and of the "Shibte Yisrael" (the tribes of Israel; 9 letters). When the Urim and Thummim were consulted in regard to any matter this divine name lit up the letters, which were brought into relief according to R. Johanan, or into such a combination, according to Resh Lakish, as to make the answer intelligible (Yoma 73b). Ibn Ezra figures the Seventy-two-Lettered Name as the equivalent in value of the name Yhwh spelled with the names of the letters (=72).
The divine names of God, the Haggadah says, were used to perform miracles by those who knew their combinations. King David, on making excavations for the Temple, and finding that the deep was moving upward, asked for permission to stop its rising, which threatened to destroy the world, by inscribing the name of God on a potsherd and throwing it into the deep. His minister Ahithophel, who was well versed in the Law, permitted it (Mak. 11a). The manipulation of the sacred letters forming the divine names was the means used to create the world ("Sefer YeZirah," ix.). By a similar method some of the Talmudists are credited with having created living animals (Sanh. 65b, 67b); in later times others succeeded by the same means in creating the golem (see Golem).
Divine Names in Print.
Awe at the sacredness of the names of God and eagerness to manifest respect and reverence for them made the scribes pause before copying them. The text of the Scriptures was of course left unchanged; but in the Targumim the name Yhwh was replaced by two "yods" with a "waw" over them, thus: , which letters are equal in value to Yhwh (=26). In their commentaries the authors substituted Elohim by Elokim () and Yhwh by Ydwd (). For other changes see list below. In kimhi's commentary on the Prophets (ed. Soncino, 1485) the printer apologizes for changing the "he" of Yhwh to a "dalet" and the "he" of Elohim to a "kof," "in honor and reverence for His Name, for sometimes copies may be lost and become liable to misuse." In Hebrew literature generally and in Hebrew letter-writing the name of God is represented by the letter "he" or "dalet" with an accent over it, thus: or . Authors of Hebrew theological works begin their introductions generally with four words whose initial letters form the name Yhwh (e.g., ).
The following names and transcriptions of the names of God are found in rabbinical writings (the names mentioned in the Bible also are not given):
see For the Name of Yhwh.
see table
see Cabalistic.
see Special Appellations.
ARTICLE HEADINGS:
—Biblical Data:
YHWH.
Elohim.
El.
Shaddai and 'Elyon.
Adonai and Ba'al.
Zeba'ot.
—In Rabbinical Literature:
The Name.
Ehyeh-Asher-Ehyeh.
The Seven Names.
Cabalistic Use.
Divine Names in Print.
—Biblical Data:
Like other Hebrew proper names, the name of God is more than a mere distinguishing title. It represents the Hebrew conception of the divine nature or character and of the relation of God to His people. It represents the Deity as He is known to His worshipers, and stands for all those attributes which He bears in relation to them and which are revealed to them through His activity on their behalf. A new manifestation of His interest or care may give rise to a new name. So, also, an old name may acquire new content and significance through new and varied experience of these sacred relations.
It can readily be understood, therefore, how the divine name is often spoken of as equivalent to the divine presence or power or glory. In Ex. xxiii. 20-23 it is promised that Yhwh's angel will lead and give victory to His people, who must yield reverent obedience, for, the Lord says, "my name is in him." The devout Israelite will not take the name of a false god upon his lips (Ex. xxiii. 13; Josh. xxiii. 7; Hosea ii. 16-17; Ps. xvi. 4). To make mention of Yhwh's name is to assert confidence in His strength and present and efficient aid. The name excites emotions of love, joy, and praise (Ps. v. 11; vii. 17; ix. 2; xx. 1, 7). That name is, therefore, especially connected with the altar or sanctuary, the place where God records His name (Ex. xx. 24), or "the place which the Lord your God shall choose out of all your tribes to put His name there" (Deut. xii. 5; comp. I Kings viii. 16, 29; ix. 3; Jer. vii. 12). The Temple is "the place of the name of the Lord of hosts, the mount Zion" (Isa. xviii. 7). In one or two comparatively late passages "the Name" () is used absolutely, doubtless as an equivalent for "the name of Yhwh" (Lev. xxiv. 11, 16; comp. Deut. xxviii. 58).
YHWH.
Of the names of God in the Old Testament, that which occurs most frequently (6,823 times) is the so-called Tetragrammaton, Yhwh (), the distinctive personal name of the God of Israel. This name is commonly represented in modern translations by the form "Jehovah," which, however, is a philological impossibility (see Jehovah). This form has arisen through attempting to pronounce the consonants of the name with the vowels of Adonai ( = "Lord"), which the Masorites have inserted in the text, indicating thereby that Adonai was to be read (as a "keri perpetuum") instead of Yhwh. When the name Adonai itself precedes, to avoid repetition of this name, Yhwh is written by the Masorites with the vowels of Elohim, in which case Elohim is read instead of Yhwh. In consequence of this Masoretic reading the authorized and revised English versions (though not the American edition of the revised version) render Yhwh by the word "Lord" in the great majority of cases.
This name, according to the narrative in Ex. iii. (E), was made known to Moses in a vision at Horeb. In another, parallel narrative (Ex. vi. 2, 3, P) it is stated that the name was not known to the Patriarchs. It is used by one of the documentary sources of Genesis (J), but scarcely if at all by the others. Its use is avoided by some later writers also. It does not occur in Ecclesiastes, and in Daniel is found only in ch. ix. The writer of Chronicles shows a preference for the form Elohim, and in Ps. xlii.-lxxxiii. Elohim occurs much more frequently than Yhwh, probably having been substituted in some places for the latter name, as in Ps. liii. (comp. Ps. xiv.).
In appearance, Yhwh () is the third person singular imperfect "kal" of the verb ("to be"), meaning, therefore, "He is," or "He will be," or, perhaps, "He lives," the root idea of the word being,probably, "to blow," "to breathe," and hence, "to live." With this explanation agrees the meaning of the name given in Ex. iii. 14, where God is represented as speaking, and hence as using the first person—"I am" (, from , the later equivalent of the archaic stem ). The meaning would, therefore, be "He who is self-existing, self-sufficient," or, more concretely, "He who lives," the abstract conception of pure existence being foreign to Hebrew thought. There is no doubt that the idea of life was intimately connected with the name Yhwh from early times. He is the living God, as contrasted with the lifeless gods of the heathen, and He is the source and author of life (comp. I Kings xviii.; Isa. xli. 26-29, xliv. 6-20; Jer. x. 10, 14; Gen. ii. 7; etc.). So familiar is this conception of God to the Hebrew mind that it appears in the common formula of an oath, "hai Yhwh" (= "as Yhwh lives"; Ruth iii. 13; I Sam. xiv. 45; etc.).
If the explanation of the form above given be the true one, the original pronunciation must have been Yahweh () or Yahaweh (). From this the contracted form Jah or Yah () is most readily explained, and also the forms Jeho or Yeho ( = ), and Jo or Yo (, contracted from ), which the word assumes in combination in the first part of compound proper names, and Yahu or Yah () in the second part of such names. The fact may also be mentioned that in Samaritan poetry rimes with words similar in ending to Yahweh, and Theodoret ("Quæst. 15 in Exodum") states that the Samaritans pronounced the name 'Iαβέ. Epiphanius ascribes the same pronunciation to an early Christian sect. Clement of Alexandria, still more exactly, pronounces 'Iαουέ or 'Iαουαί, and Origen, 'Iα. Aquila wrote the name in archaic Hebrew letters. In the Jewish-Egyptian magic-papyri it appears as Ιαωουηε. At least as early as the third century B.C. the name seems to have been regarded by the Jews as a "nomen ineffabile," on the basis of a somewhat extreme interpretation of Ex. xx. 7 and Lev. xxiv. 11 (see Philo, "De Vita Mosis," iii. 519, 529). Written only in consonants, the true pronunciation was forgotten by them. The Septuagint, and after it the New Testament, invariably render δκύριος ("the Lord").
Various conjectures have been made in recent times respecting a possible foreign origin of this name. Some derive it from the Kenites, with whom Moses sojourned, Sinai, the ancient dwelling-place of Yhwh, having been, according to the oldest tradition, in the Kenite country. A Canaanite, and, again, a Babylonian, origin have been proposed, but upon grounds which are still uncertain. Various explanations of the meaning of the name, differing from that given above, have been proposed: e.g., (1) that it is derived from ("to fall"), and originally designated some sacred object, such as a stone, possibly an acrolite, which was believed to have fallen from heaven; (2) or from ("to blow"), a name for the god of wind and storm; (3) or from the "hif'il" form of ("to be"), meaning, "He who causes to be," "the Creator"; (4) or from the same root, with the meaning "to fall," "He who causes to fall" the rain and the thunderbolt—"the storm-god." The first explanation, following Ex. iii. 14, is, on the whole, to be preferred.
Elohim.
The most common of the originally appellative names of God is Elohim (), plural in form though commonly construed with a singular verb or adjective. This is, most probably, to be explained as the plural of majesty or excellence, expressing high dignity or greatness: comp. the similar use of plurals of "ba'al" (master) and "adon" (lord). In Ethiopic, Amlak ("lords") is the common name for God. The singular, Eloah (), is comparatively rare, occurring only in poetry and late prose (in Job, 41 times). The same divine name is found in Arabic (ilah) and in Aramaic (elah). The singular is used in six places for heathen deities (II Chron. xxxii. 15; Dan. xi. 37, 38; etc.); and the plural also, a few times, either for gods or images (Ex. ix. 1, xii. 12, xx. 3; etc.) or for one god (Ex. xxxii. 1; Gen. xxxi. 30, 32; etc.). In the great majority of cases both are used as names of the one God of Israel.
The root-meaning of the word is unknown. The most probable theory is that it may be connected with the old Arabic verb "alih" (to be perplexed, afraid; to seek refuge because of fear). Eloah, Elohim, would, therefore, be "He who is the object of fear or reverence," or "He with whom one who is afraid takes refuge" (comp. the name "fear of Isaac" in Gen. xxxi. 42, 53; see also Isa. viii. 13; Ps. lxxvi. 12). The predominance of this name in the later writings, as compared with the more distinctively Hebrew national name Yhwh, may have been due to the broadening idea of God as the transcendent and universal Lord.
El.
The word El () appears in Assyrian (ilu) and Phenician, as well as in Hebrew, as an ordinary name of God. It is found also in the South-Arabian dialects, and in Aramaic, Arabic, and Ethiopic, as also in Hebrew, as an element in proper names. It is used in both the singular and plural, both for other gods and for the God of Israel. As a name of God, however, it is used chiefly in poetry and prophetic discourse, rarely in prose, and then usually with some epithet attached, as "a jealous God." Other examples of its use with some attribute or epithet are: El 'Elyon ("most high God"), El Shaddai ("God Almighty"), El 'Olam ("everlasting God"), El hai ("living God"), El Ro'i ("God of seeing"), El Elohe Israel ("God, the God of Israel"), El Gibbor ("Hero God").
The commonly accepted derivation of this name from the Hebrew root , "to be strong," is extremely doubtful. A similar root has been explained from the Arabic as meaning "to be in front," "to be foremost," "to lead," "to rule," which would give the meaning "leader," "lord." But the fact that the e in El was originally short, as seen in such proper names as Elkanah, Elihu (), and in the Assyrian "ilu," is strong evidence against this derivation. As in the case of Elohim, it is necessary to admit that the original meaning is not certainly known.
Shaddai and 'Elyon.
The word Shaddai (), which occurs along with El, is also used independently as a name of God,chiefly in the Book of Job. It is commonly rendered "the Almighty" (in LXX., sometimes παντοκράτωρ). The Hebrew root "shadad," from which it has been supposed to be derived, means, however, "to overpower," "to treat with violence," "to lay waste." This would give Shaddai the meaning "devastator," or "destroyer," which can hardly be right. It is possible, however, that the original significance was that of "overmastering" or "overpowering strength," and that this meaning persists in the divine name. Another interesting suggestion is that it may be connected with the Assyrian "shadu" (mountain), an epithet sometimes attached to the names of Assyrian deities. It is conjectured also that the pointing of may be due to an improbable rabbinical explanation of the word as ("He who is sufficient"), and that the word originally may have been without the doubling of the middle letter. According to Ex. vi. 2, 3, this is the name by which God was known to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.
The name 'Elyon () occurs with El, with Yhwh, with Elohim, and also alone, chiefly in poetic and late passages. According to Philo Byblius (Eusebius, "Præparatio Evangelica," i. 10), the Phenicians used what appears to be the same name for God, 'Eλιον.
Adonai and Ba'al.
Adonai () occurs as a name of God apart from its use by the Masorites as a substituted reading for Yhwh. It was, probably, at first Adoni ("my Lord") or Adonai ("my Lord," plural of majesty), and later assumed this form, as a proper name, to distinguish it from other uses of the same word. The simple form Adon, with and without the article, also occurs as a divine name. The name Ba'al (), apparently as an equivalent for Yhwh, occurs as an element in a number of compound proper names, such as Jerubbaal, Ishbaal, Meribaal, etc. Some of these names, probably at a time when the name of Baal had fallen into disrepute (comp. Hosea ii. 16, 17), seem to have been changed by the substitution of El or Bosheth for Baal (comp. II Sam. ii. 8, iv. 4, v. 16; I Chron. viii. 33, 34; ix. 39, 40; xiv. 7).
Other titles applied to the God of Israel, but which can scarcely be called names, are the following: Abir ("Strong One" of Jacob or Israel; Gen. xlix. 24; Isa. i. 24; etc.); kedosh Yisrael ("Holy One of Israel"; Isa. i.4, xxxi. 1; etc.); Zur ("Rock") and Zur Yisrael ("Rock of Israel"; II Sam. xxiii. 3; Isa. xxx. 29; Deut. xxxii. 4, 18, 30); Eben Yisrael ("Stone of Israel"; Gen. xlix. 24 [text doubtful]).
Zeba'ot.
The names Yhwh and Elohim frequently occur with the word Zeba'ot ("hosts"), as Yhwh Elohe Zeba'ot ("Yhwh God of Hosts") or "God of Hosts"; or, most frequently, "Yhwh of Hosts." To this last Adonai is often prefixed, making the title "Lord Yhwh of Hosts." This compound divine name occurs chiefly in the prophetic literature and does not appear at all in the Pentateuch or in Joshua or Judges. The original meaning of Zeba'ot is probably to be found in I Sam. xvii. 45, where "Yhwh Zeba'ot" is interpreted as denoting "the God of the armies of Israel" (comp. Josh. v. 13-15; Isa. xiii. 4). The word, apart from this special use, always means armies or hosts of men, as, for example, in Ex. vi. 26, vii. 4, xii. 41, while the singular "Zaba" is used to designate the heavenly host. It is noteworthy also that the name Yhwh Zeba'ot is more than once directly associated with the Ark, which was the symbol of God's presence in the midst of the hosts of His people (Num. x. 35, 36; I Sam. iv. 4; II Sam. vi. 2). Later, and especially in prophetic usage, the word was transferred to the heavenly hosts, or rather the heavenly were added to the earthly hosts. For this idea of heavenly hosts joining their forces with those of God's people, or fighting on behalf of God's servants, compare Judges v. 20; II Kings vi. 16, 17; Ps. xxxiv. 7, lxviii. 17.
Bibliography: Gray, Hebrew Proper Names, London, 1896;
Driver, The Book of Genesis, excursus i., pp. 402-409, London, 1904;
Spurrell, Hebrew Text of Genesis, Appendix ii.;
Driver, on the Tetragrammaton, in Studia Biblica, vol. i., Oxford, 1885;
Kuenen, Religion of Israel (English transl.), i. 41-42;
Monteflore, Religion of Hebrews, pp. 50-53, London, 1893.E. C. J. F. McL.
—In Rabbinical Literature:
The Rabbis as well as the cabalists steadfastly maintained their belief in monotheism. Hence they recognized only one proper name for the Deity, considering the other names as appellations or titles signifying divinity, perfection, and power, or as characterizing His acts as observed and appreciated by mankind in the various stages of their development. The cabalists illustrate this by the instance of one who looks at the sun through various-colored glasses, which change the impressions produced upon the observer, but do not affect the sun.
The Name.
The name Yhwh is considered as the Name proper; it was known in the earliest rabbinical works simply as the Name; also as Shem ha-Meyuhad ("the Extraordinary Name"; Sifre, Num. 143); as Shem ha-Meforash ("the Distinguished Name"; Yoma vi. 2); as Shem ben Arba' Otiyyot ("the Tetragrammaton" or "the Quadriliteral Name"; kid. 71a); and as Yod He Waw He (spelling the letters of Yhwh). The pronunciation of the written Name was used only by the priests in the Temple when blessing the people (Num. vi. 22-27); outside the Temple they used the title "Adonai" (Sotah vii. 6; p. 38a). The high priest mentioned the Name on Yom Kippur ten times (Tosef., Yoma, ii.; 39b). R. Johanan said the sages delivered to their disciples the key to the Name once in every Sabbatical year. The sages quoted, "This is my name for ever, and this is my memorial unto all generations" (Ex. iii. 15). Here the word "le-'olam" (forever) is written defectively, being without the "waw" for the vowel "o," which renders the reading "le-'allem" (to conceal; kid. 71a). See Shem ha-Meforash.
The restriction upon communicating the Name proper probably originated in Oriental etiquette; in the East even a teacher was not called by name. For naming his master Elisha, Gehazi was punished with leprosy (II Kings viii. 5; Sanh. 100a). After the death of the high priest Simeon the Righteous, forty years prior to the destruction of the Temple, the priests ceased to pronounce the Name (Yoma39b). From that time the pronunciation of the Name was prohibited. "Whoever pronounces the Name forfeits his portion in the future world" (Sanh. xi. 1). Hananiah ben teradion was punished for teaching his disciples the pronunciation of the Name ('Ab. Zarah 17b). It appears that a majority of the priests in the last days of the Temple were unworthy to pronounce the Name, and a combination of the letters or of the equivalents of the letters constituting the Name was employed by the priests in the Temple. Thus the Twelve-Lettered Name was substituted, which, a baraita says, was at first taught to every priest; but with the increase of the number of licentious priests the Name was revealed only to the pious ones, who "swallowed" its pronunciation while the other priests were chanting. Another combination, the Forty-two-Lettered Name, Rab says, was taught only to whomever was known to be of good character and disposition, temperate, and in the prime of life (kid. 71a; comp. Rashi to 'Ab. Zarah 17b). Maimonides, in his "Moreh," thinks that these names were perhaps composed of several other divine names.
Ehyeh-Asher-Ehyeh.
The Incommunicable Name was pronounced "Adonai," and where Adonai and Yhwh occur together the latter was pronounced "Elohim." After the destruction of the Second Temple there remained no trace of knowledge as to the pronunciation of the Name (see Jehovah). The commentators, however, agree as to its interpretation, that it denotes the eternal and everlasting existence of God, and that it is a composition of (meaning "a Being of the Past, the Present, and the Future"). The name Ehyeh () denotes His potency in the immediate future, and is part of Yhwh. The phrase "ehyeh-asher-ehyeh" (Ex. iii. 14) is interpreted by some authorities as "I will be because I will be," using the second part as a gloss and referring to God's promise, "Certainly I will be [ehyeh] with thee" (Ex. iii. 12). Other authorities claim that the whole phrase forms one name. The Targum Onkelos leaves the phrase untranslated and is so quoted in the Talmud (B. B. 73a). The "I AM THAT I AM" of the Authorized Version is based on this view.
The name Yah () is composed of the first letters of Yhwh. There is a difference of opinion between Rab and R. Samuel as to whether or not "hallelujah" is a compound word or two separate words meaning "praise ye Yah" (Yer. Meg. i. 9; Pes. 117a). The name Ho () is declared to be the middle part of Yhwh and an abridged form of the Name (Shab. 104a; Suk. iv. 5).
Elohim denotes multiplied power, that is, the Almighty, and describes God as the Creator of nature. R. Jacob Asheri, the author of the "turim," in his annotations to the Pentateuch, says the numerical value of the letters in ("Elohim") equals the value (86) of those in ("nature"). Elohim represents the force of "din" (fixed laws), while Yhwh is the modification of the natural laws and the elements of "rahamim" (mercy and leniency) as reflected in the developed state of mankind. In the Zohar, R. Simeon says the Divine Name (Yhwh) was mentioned only when the world was perfected, and quotes Gen. ii. 4 (Hebr.)—"in the day that Yhwh made the earth and the heavens." The word "'asot" is interpreted as "perfected," after the Creation (Zohar, Yitro, 88a, ed. Wilna, 1882). El is part of Elohim, meaning simply "power" (= "mighty"). "Shaddai" is explained as "the selfsufficient" ("she-dai hu lo").
The sacredness of the divine names must be recognized by the professional scribe who writes the Scriptures, or the chapters for the phylacteries and the mezuzah. Before transcribing any of the divine names he prepares mentally to sanctify them. Once he begins a name he does not stop until it is finished, and he must not be interrupted while writing it, even to greet a king. If an error is made in writing it, it may not be erased, but a line must be drawn round it to show that it is canceled, and the whole page must be put in a genizah and a new page begun.
The Seven Names.
The number of divine names that require the scribe's special care is seven: El, Elohim, Adonai, Yhwh, Ehyeh-Asher-Ehyeh, Shaddai, and Zeba'ot. R. Jose, however, considered Zeba'ot a common name (Soferim iv. 1; Yer. R. H. i. 1; Ab. R. N. xxxiv.; "Sefer YeZirah," ix.). R. Ishmael held that even Elohim is common (Sanh. 66a). All other names, such as Merciful, Gracious, and Faithful, merely represent attributes that are common also to human beings (Sheb. 35a). The prohibition of blasphemy, for which capital punishment is prescribed, refers only to the Name proper—Yhwh (Soferim iv., end; comp. Sanh. 66a). In many of the passages in which "clohim" occurs in the Bible it refers to Gentile deities, or in some instances to powerful or learned men (comp. Gen. iii. 5; ), to judges (Ex. xxi. 6), or to Israel (Ps. lxxxi. 9, lxxxii. 6; see Tan., kedoshim). Adonai sometimes refers to a distinguished person (comp. Gen. xviii. 3). Even the name Yhwh, misused in the narrative of Micah (Judges xvii. 2, 3, 13; xviii. 6), is not a divine name, according to the decisive authority (Sheb. 35b). A list of all the doubtful divine names found in the Scriptures is given in Soferim and in the codes.
The Talmud says Shalom ("Peace"; Judges vi. 23) is the name of God, consequently one is not permitted to greet another with the word "shalom" in unholy places (Shab. 10b). The name Shelomoh (from shalom) refers to the God of Peace, and the Rabbis assert that the Song of Solomon is a dramatization of the love of God: "Shalom" to His people Israel = "Shulamite." "King of kings" in Dan. ii. 37 refers to God. "'Attik Yamin" (ib. vii. 9) refers to the Ancient One of the universe (see Yalk., Chron. 1076). The pronoun "Ani" (I) is a name of God (Suk. iv. 5). The first verse in Ezekiel ("we-Ani") refers to God (Tos. Suk. 45a). Hillel's epigram "If I [am] here everything is here" (Suk. 53a) is interpreted as referring to God. The divine names are called in the Talmud "Azkarot," or "Adkarata" in the Aramaic form. Divine names that occur in the handwriting of minim should be excised and buried in the genizah (Shab. 116a; Cant. R. ii. 4). God is named also Ha-Geburah ("The Majesty"; Shab.87a), but generally Ha-Makom. ("The Omnipresence"),accompanied with Baruk-hu ("Praised be He"). For other appellations see list below.
It became the custom at an early period to use the name of God in personal greetings, as "The Lord be with thee," or "The Lord bless thee" (Ruth ii. 4; Ber. ix. 1; comp. Mak. 23a). The Greek inquisition in Judea prohibited the utterance of God's name, but when the Hasmoneans became victorious they decreed that the Name should be mentioned even in notes and documents. The formula began: "On . . . in the year of the high priest Johanan, the servant of the Most High God." The sages, however, opposed this innovation, as they thought the Name would be defiled when the notes were canceled and thrown away as useless. Consequently on the third day of Tishri following, the record says, the Rabbis forbade the mention of God's name in documents (Meg. Ta'anit; R. H. 18b).
Cabalistic Use.
The cabalists, in their system of cosmology, explained the significance of the names and added other divine names. The most important name is that of the En Sof ("Infinite" or "Endless"), who is above the Sefirot. The Forty-two-Lettered Name contains the combined names of (spelled in letters = 42 letters), which is the name of AZilut ("Animation"). The cabalists added the Forty-five-Lettered Name as being the equivalent in value of Yhwh ( = 45). The name is derived from Prov. xxx. 4—"what is his name?" The numerical value of the letters (= "what") equals 45 (Zohar, Yitro, 79a). The Seventy-two-Lettered Name is derived from three verses in Exodus (xiv. 19-21) beginning with "Wayyissa'," "Wayyabo," "Wayyet," respectively. Each of the verses contains 72 letters, and when combined they form the following names:
(see image)
The first and third verses are to be read forward and the second verse backward, one letter of each word respectively in the above order from right to left. Rashi, also, in his comment to Suk. 45a, mentions this scheme (see Zohar, Beshallah, 52a, and Appendix, 270a, ed. Wilna). A combination of the Seventy-two-Lettered Name appeared on the Urim and Thummim, consisting of the names of the Twelve Tribes (50 letters), of the Patriarchs (13 letters), and of the "Shibte Yisrael" (the tribes of Israel; 9 letters). When the Urim and Thummim were consulted in regard to any matter this divine name lit up the letters, which were brought into relief according to R. Johanan, or into such a combination, according to Resh Lakish, as to make the answer intelligible (Yoma 73b). Ibn Ezra figures the Seventy-two-Lettered Name as the equivalent in value of the name Yhwh spelled with the names of the letters (=72).
The divine names of God, the Haggadah says, were used to perform miracles by those who knew their combinations. King David, on making excavations for the Temple, and finding that the deep was moving upward, asked for permission to stop its rising, which threatened to destroy the world, by inscribing the name of God on a potsherd and throwing it into the deep. His minister Ahithophel, who was well versed in the Law, permitted it (Mak. 11a). The manipulation of the sacred letters forming the divine names was the means used to create the world ("Sefer YeZirah," ix.). By a similar method some of the Talmudists are credited with having created living animals (Sanh. 65b, 67b); in later times others succeeded by the same means in creating the golem (see Golem).
Divine Names in Print.
Awe at the sacredness of the names of God and eagerness to manifest respect and reverence for them made the scribes pause before copying them. The text of the Scriptures was of course left unchanged; but in the Targumim the name Yhwh was replaced by two "yods" with a "waw" over them, thus: , which letters are equal in value to Yhwh (=26). In their commentaries the authors substituted Elohim by Elokim () and Yhwh by Ydwd (). For other changes see list below. In kimhi's commentary on the Prophets (ed. Soncino, 1485) the printer apologizes for changing the "he" of Yhwh to a "dalet" and the "he" of Elohim to a "kof," "in honor and reverence for His Name, for sometimes copies may be lost and become liable to misuse." In Hebrew literature generally and in Hebrew letter-writing the name of God is represented by the letter "he" or "dalet" with an accent over it, thus: or . Authors of Hebrew theological works begin their introductions generally with four words whose initial letters form the name Yhwh (e.g., ).
The following names and transcriptions of the names of God are found in rabbinical writings (the names mentioned in the Bible also are not given):
see For the Name of Yhwh.
see table
see Cabalistic.
see Special Appellations.
Sunday, November 15, 2009
Book of Exodus
EXODUS, BOOK OF. By : Emil G. Hirsch Benno Jacob S. R. Driver
ARTICLE HEADINGS:
—Biblical Data:
Name and Contents.
Ch. i.-iv.: The Call of Moses.
Ch. v., vi.: The Preparation.
Ch. vii.-x.: The Plagues:
Ch. xi-xiii. 16: The Departure.
Ch. xiii. 17-xv. 21: Pharaoh's Death.
Ch. xv. 22-xviii.: The March to Sinai.
Ch. xix.-xx.: Israel's Call:
Ch. xxi.-xxiv.: The Law and the Covenant.
Ch. xxv.-xxxi.: The Sanctuary and the Priests.
Ch. xxxii-xxxiv.: The Sin of the People with the Golden Calf.
Ch. xxxv.-xl.: The Sanctuary and the Garments of the Priests
Religion.
Revelations of God.
God the Absolutely Exalted One.
Israel.
The Moral Law.
Cult.
—Critical View I.:
Characteristics of JE.
Characteristics of P.
P's Representation of the Tabernacle Unhistorical.
—Critical View II.:
Redaction.
Errors of Critical School.
—Biblical Data:
The second book of the Torah or Pentateuch is called by the Jews , from the opening words, or briefly . The Greek name is ξοδος (in Philo also ξαγωγή), that is, "departure"; the Latin, "[Liber] Exodus." It contains, according to the Masorah, 1,209 (?) verses in 164 sections ("parashiyyot"), 69 ending in the middle of the line ("petuhot" = "open"), and 95 with a space in the middle of the line ("setumot"="closed"), in 29 chapters ("sedarim"), and 14 sections ("piskot"), for reading on the Sabbath, in 11 lessons. The common division into 40 chapters is taken from the Vulgate.
Name and Contents.
The second book of the Torah is the organic continuation of the first book. It narrates the departure of the descendants of the Patriarchs, increased to a people, from servitude in Egypt, their journey to Sinai, and the revelations and laws which they received there. It is a well-planned and well-arranged work, displaying much literary skill in the command over great masses of material as well as in the marshaling of the facts. It is homogeneous in its views, and is not encumbered by unnecessary repetitions, though the sequel to it is found only in the following books. It is divided into two principal sections: (1) ch. i-xviii., recounting Israel's deliverance from Egypt; (2) ch. xix.-xl., the promulgation of the Law. These may again be divided into subsections.
Ch. i.-iv.: The Call of Moses.
The Israelites living in Egypt are oppressed by forced labor,imposed upon them by a new Pharaoh who desires to destroy them (i.). The exposed male infant of a Levitic family (whose name, in order not to divert interest from the main story, is not given here), is found by Pharaoh's daughter, who calls him "Moses" and adopts him. Moses, grown to man's estate, sympathizes with his suffering brethren, and flees the country because he has slain an Egyptian overseer. He goes to Midian, becomes shepherd to the priest Jethro, and marries the latter's daughter Zipporah (ii.). As he is feeding the sheep on Mount Horeb, he has a marvelous experience. God appears to him from a thorn-bush which, though burning, is not consumed. He reveals Himself as the God of the Fathers of Israel, and orders Moses to go before Pharaoh and demand the release of his brethren. God overcomes Moses' reluctance by His promises of supreme aid, and appoints his brother Aaron to be his assistant. Moses then returns to Egypt.
Ch. v., vi.: The Preparation.
As Pharaoh not only refuses Moses' request, but oppresses the people still further, Moses complains to God, who thereupon announces to him that He will now display His power and will surely liberate Israel. At this point the genealogy of Moses and his family is inserted, in order that it may not later interrupt or weaken in any way the story which follows.
Ch. vii.-x.: The Plagues:
the proofs of God's power. After God has assigned their tasks to Moses and Aaron, and predicted Pharaoh's obduracy, and after they have attested their commission by working a miracle before Pharaoh (vii. 1-13), God sends nine plagues over Pharaoh, and his land: (1) the changing of the waters of the Nile into blood (, vii. 14-25); (2) frogs (, vii. 28-viii. 11); (3) vermin (, viii. 12-15); (4) noxious animals (, viii. 16-28); (5) death of the cattle (, ix. 1-7); (6) boils upon men and beasts (, ix. 9-12); (7) storms, killing men and beasts (, ix. 13-35); (8) locusts that devour all vegetation(, x. 1-20); (9) deep darkness for three days (, x. 21-29). These plagues, which give evidence of God's power over nature, are increasingly obnoxious and dangerous, and are so arranged that every third plague (hence narrated more briefly) confirms the two preceding ones (narrated more in detail), and each group follows naturally upon the preceding one. The story displays a skilful climax, rhythm, and variety. Pharaoh, however, is untouched by the first plague, which his magicians can imitate; after the second plague, which they can reproduce, but not check, he begins to supplicate; after the third plague he allows his magicians to comfort him; from the third on he makes fresh promises after each plague, but recalls them when the danger is past, and remains obdurate.
Ch. xi-xiii. 16: The Departure.
The last, decisive blow, namely, the death of all the first-born of the Egyptians (), and the departure are announced. For the protection of their homes the Israelites are commanded to kill a lamb () and to eat it quickly with unleavened bread () and bitter herbs (), on the 14th of the first month, and to be ready for immediate departure. The first-born of all the Egyptians die. Pharaoh dismisses the Israelites. To the number of 600,000 men, not including women and children, they leave the country, after a sojourn of 430 years, carrying with them rich gifts from benevolent Egyptians. They go first from Rameses to Succoth. Chap. xii. 43—xiii. 16 contain supplementary regulations regarding the future observance of the Passover.
Ch. xiii. 17-xv. 21: Pharaoh's Death.
Repenting his clemency, Pharaoh, with chariots and horsemen, pursues the Israelites, who have reached the shores of the Red Sea (), divinely guided by day by a pillar of cloud, and by night by a pillar of fire. The Israelites pass dry-shod through the waters, which marvelously recede before them while engulfing Pharaoh and his entire army. Moses and his people sing a song of praise to God.
Ch. xv. 22-xviii.: The March to Sinai.
The Israelites journey into the desert of Shur, to Mara. The people, complaining of lack of water, are satisfied. They reach Elim. In the desert of Sin they complain of lack of food. God sends them quails, and from this time on, except on the Sabbath, sends them a daily shower of manna. Upon arrival at Rephidim the people again complain of lack of water. God gives them water from a rock ("Massah and Meribah" = "place of temptation and quarrels"; xvii. 7). Amalek attacks Israel and is vanquished by Joshua. God commands eternal war against Amalek. Moses' father-in-law, Jethro, having heard of Israel's deliverance, visits Moses, bringing him his wife Zipporah and their two children, whom Moses had left behind at home. On Jethro's advice Moses appoints subordinate judges.
Ch. xix.-xx.: Israel's Call:
the promulgation of the Ten Commandments on Mount Sinai. In the third month the Israelites arrive in the desert of Sinai and encamp at the mountain. God announces to them through Moses that, having by His power liberated them, He will now constitute them His people, making them a nation of priests and a holy people. The Israelites accept this call with one accord, and after they have prepared themselves worthily, God, through Moses' mediation, and with thunder and lightning, clouds of smoke and noise of trumpets, reveals Himself to them on Mount Sinai and pronounces the ten fundamental commands of religion and morals, which are followed by a command regarding the altar.
Ch. xxi.-xxiv.: The Law and the Covenant.
The Ten Commandments, formally declaring the divine will regarding man's attitude to God and to all His creatures, are followed by enactments relating to civil law: (1) indemnifications for injuries done to, a fellow man; (2) duties toward persons who have no actual claims, though they are dependent on the good will of others. In conclusion there are the promise of the land of Canaan as the reward of obedience, and the warning against the pagan inhabitants. God then enters into a solemn covenant with the people, through Moses. He calls Moses up into the mountain to receive the stone tablets of the Law and further instructions.
Ch. xxv.-xxxi.: The Sanctuary and the Priests.
In order that God may dwell permanently among the Israelites, they are given instructions for erecting a sanctuary. The directions provide for: (1) a wooden ark, gilded inside andoutside, for the Tables of the Covenant, with a cover similarly gilded as "mercy seat" for the Divine Presence; (2) a gilt table for the so-called "shewbread" (); (3) a golden candlestick for a light never to be extinguished; (4) the dwelling, including the curtains for the roof, the walls made of boards resting on silver feet and held together by wooden bolts, the purple curtain veiling the Holy of Holies, the table and candlestick, and the outer curtain; (5) a sacrificial altar made of bronzed boards; (6) the outer court formed by pillars resting on bronze pedestals and connected by hooks and crossbars of silver, with embroidered curtains; (7) preparation of the oil for the candlestick. Then follow directions for the garments of the priests: (1) a shoulder-band (ephod) with two onyx stones, on each of which are engraved the names of six of the tribes of Israel, also golden chains for holding the breastplate ("hoshen") set with twelve precious stones, in four rows; (2) a robe for the ephod, with bells and pomegranates around the seam; (3) a golden miter plate with the inscription "Holiness to the Lord"; (4) a coat; (5) a miter; (6) a girdle. All these things are for Aaron. For his sons coats, bonnets, girdles, and linen breeches shall be made. Then follow directions for ordaining the priests, including robing, anointing (of Aaron), and a seven days' sacrifice; the institution of daily morning and evening offerings; directions for making a golden altar of incense, to be set up in front of the inner curtain, opposite the Ark of the Covenant, and on which an atonement shall be made once a year with the blood of the sin-offering; directions for a yearly tax of half a shekel to be paid by every Israelite enumerated in the census toward the expenses of this service; directions for making a laver and stand of brass, to be set up between the Tabernacle and the altar of sacrifice; the preparation of the holy oil for anointing and of the holy incense; appointment of the master workmen Bezaleel and Aboliab to direct the work; the observance of the Sabbaṭh.
The most striking point in this enumeration is the place given to the directions regarding the altar of incense, which, to agree with the arrangement as described in chaps. xxxv.-xl., should follow the directions for making the golden candlestick (xxv. 31-40). This has been a puzzle to the critics, who have made it the basis of the most far-reaching hypotheses. The passage was not only supposed to be a later interpolation, but it was assumed that originally there was no altar of incense, not even in Herod's temple! The riddle may be solved as follows: In xxxv.-xl. the articles are enumerated in the order in which they were set up, while here they are enumerated according to their uses. The golden altar of incense later stood in the Tabernacle, between the table and the candlestick, a fact leading to the assumption that, like them, it belonged to the Tabernacle. But as throughout ancient literature the offerings of sacrifice and incense are two independent coordinated acts of worship, so the altar of incense was, to all intents and purposes, an independent requisite of worship as important as the rest of the apparatus. For this reason everything that is necessary for the dwelling of God and the sacrifices that guarantee His presence is described first, and the altar of incense after (comp. especially Lev. xvi. 16-17: first, atonement for the Holy of Holies and the "tabernacle . . . that remaineth among them in the midst of their uncleannesses"; then, the cleansing and sanctifying of the altar of incense "from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel").
The sacrifice presumes God's presence, while it is the object of the incense to insure the continuation of His presence. The things, again, that must be repeatedly renewed are placed last, namely, the oil for lighting; the yearly tax; the laver with stand, consisting of mirrors, which were taken apart again after the laver had been used, and are, therefore, not enumerated in Num. iv. 14; the oil for anointing; and the incense. In conclusion, there are the directions for the workshop, the appointing of the master workman, and the arrangement of the work. These directions are admirably thought out, down to the smallest detail.
Ch. xxxii-xxxiv.: The Sin of the People with the Golden Calf.
While Moses is on the mountain the people become impatient and urge Aaron to make them a golden calf, which they worship with idolatrous joy. God informs Moses and threatens to abandon Israel. Moses at first intercedes for the people, but when he comes down and beholds their madness, he angrily breaks the two tablets containing the divine writing. After pronouncing judgment upon Aaron and the people he again ascends to God to implore forgiveness for them, as God is about to withdraw from them His blessed presence and to leave them unguided in the wilderness. Moses' intercession prevails. When he petitions God to tell him who will accompany them, what He intends to do, and how He will manifest His splendor, God commands him to make new tablets, and reveals Himself to Moses as a God of inexhaustible love and mercy. He assures Moses that in spite of their way wardness He will lead Israel into the Promised Land, giving Moses in token thereof new commandments applicable only to that land. He commands the Israelites not to have intercourse with the pagan natives, to refrain from all idolatry, and to appear before Him on the three pilgrimage festivals. Moses then returns to the people, who listen to him in respectful silence.
Ch. xxxv.-xl.: The Sanctuary and the Garments of the Priests
(almost in the same words as in ch. xxv.-xxxi.). Moses collects the congregation, enjoins upon them the keeping of the Sabbath, and requests gifts for the sanctuary. The entire people, men and women, high and low, respond willingly and quickly, and under the direction of the superintendent they make: (1) the dwelling, including the curtains, the walls, and the veil; (2) the Ark and cover; (3) the table; (4) the golden candlestick; (5) the golden altar of incense; (6) the altar of burnt offerings; (7) the laver; (8) the outer court. An estimate of the cost of the material follows. Next comes the preparation of the garments of the priests, including: (1) the ephod with the onyx stones, together with the breastplate and its twelve precious stones and its golden chains; (2) the robe of the ephod; (3) the coats for Aaron and his sons; (4) the miter and bonnets; (5) the breeches;(6) the girdle; (7) the golden plate of the crown. Moses inspects the work when completed and praises it, and the sanctuary is set up on the first of the second month.
In connection with this section (xxxv.-xl.) the questions arise: Why the lengthy repetition of ch. xxv.-xxxi, in ch. xxxv.-xl.? and Why the difference in the order in which the various objects are described? To the first question the answer is: When the people fell away and God renounced them, the tablets of the covenant seemed to have become useless, wherefore Moses broke them. But after the people had been forgiven new tablets were made and the promises relating to the country had to be repeated. Furthermore, the promise given by God that He will dwell among Israel, in a sanctuary erected by them and in which they will worship, must not be allowed to remain unfulfilled; and therefore the building of the sanctuary that had been planned is undertaken anew, but according to the original idea. Hence ch. xxxii.-xxxiv. belong necessarily between ch. xxv.-xxxi. and xxxv.-xl. To the second question the reply is, that in xxv.-xxxi., which contain the plan, the pieces are enumerated according to the uses to which they are put, while in xxxv.-xl. (as also in the working-plans given to the overseers in xxxi. 7 et seq.), which narrate the progress of the work, they are enumerated according to their arrangement.
Religion.
Exodus contains the most fundamental anct sublime revelations of God regarding His nature and will, and describes the beginnings of the theocratic constitution of the Israelitic people and the foundations of its ethics, law, customs, and worship. God, as revealed in Exodus, is not a new, hitherto unknown God: He is the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob—the Fathers of the people—who has protected them and has been worshiped by them (Ex. ii. 24; iii. 6, 13-18; iv. 5; vi. 3, 8; xv. 2; xxxii. 13). He Himself designates the name by which He is to be addressed: " [Yhwh], the God of your fathers, the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob" (iii. 15). The book, however, expressly purposes to reveal, or fully develop, for the first time certain aspects of the divine nature that have not hitherto been noted. When God appears to Moses in the flaming bush, and commissions him, to announce to the Israelites their impending liberation, Moses asks doubtingly (iii. 13): "Behold when I come unto the children of Israel, and shall say unto them, The God of your fathers hath sent me unto you; and they shall say to me, What is his name? what shall I say unto them?" Moses seeks to know, not the name of God, but what God's name, which he knows is full of significance, expresses in this particular case. Moses is well aware that the name "Yhwh" means "the Almighty," and that salvation rests with God; but in his anxiety, amounting indeed to a lack of faith, he wishes to know at once how God will save.
Revelations of God.
God, however, will not announce that now; merely comforting him by saying (iii. 14) ("I will be there [helping when necessary] in such a way as I may deem fit"; A. V. "I AM THAT I AM"). "I will prove myself as the Almighty, the unfailing savior." On this passage, if interpreted rightly, is based the passage vi. 2, where God encourages Moses—who is disappointed because reference to this name has availed him nothing—by saying "I am Yhwh! I have revealed myself as a faithful God ["El Shaddai"] to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, without their having known me according to my name Yhwh." And now God works His miracles, all with the express intention that the people may "know that I am Yhwh" (vi. 7; vii. 5, 17; viii. 6, 18; ix. 14, 25, 29; x. 2: xiv. 18; xvi. 12). Thus, God is, as His name Yhwh implies, the almighty Savior, subject only to His own will, independent, above nature and commanding it; the God of miracles; the helpful God, who uses His power for moral purposes in order to establish law and liberty in the world, by destroying the wicked and saving the oppressed (iii. 8; vi. 6; vii. 5; xv. 2, 3, 11), in whose hands are given judgment and salvation (iii., iv., vi. 1-8).
In ch. xxxii. et seq. is revealed another side of God's nature. Israel has merited His destructive anger because of its sin with the golden calf. But God not only refrains from destruction and from recalling His word regarding the promised land; He even listens to Moses' prayers to grant His presence anew to the people. When Moses again asks, "Show me thy glory," God answers, "I will make all my goodness pass before thee, and I will proclaim the name of Yhwh before thee, and will be gracious unto whom I will be gracious, and will show mercy unto whom I will show mercy" (xxxiii. 18-19). And again, "Thou canst not see my face: for man shall not see me and live; . . . thou shalt see my back; but my face shall not be seen" (ib. 20, 23, R. V.). When God appears to Moses He reveals Himself as "Yhwh, Yhwh God, merciful and gracious, long-suffering, and abundant in goodness and truth. Keeping mercy for thousands, forgiving iniquity and transgression and sin, and that will by no means clear the guilty; visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children, and upon the children's children, unto the third and to the fourth generation" (xxxiv. 6-7). In these words God has revealed Himself as a being full of holy zeal against wickedness—a zeal, however, which is counteracted by the immeasurably greater power of His love, mercy, and forgiveness, for these are inexhaustible. But even this does not constitute His entire nature, which in its full depth and clarity is beyond the comprehension of man.
These two revelations contain the highest and most blessed insight into the nature of God ever attained; and around them may be grouped the other statements regarding God which the book of Exodus contains.
God the Absolutely Exalted One.
God is the absolutely Exalted One, who can not be compared with any other gods; even the Midianite Jethro admits that Yhwh is greater than all gods (xv. 1, 11; xviii. 11). The whole world belongs to God: He has created heaven and earth and all that is therein; He rules forever; He performs marvels; nothing like Him has ever been; hence He is an object of veneration (xv. 11, 18; xix. 5; xx. 11; xxxiv. 10). He givesspeech to man, or leaves him deaf and dumb; gives him sight, or makes him blind (iv. 11). He has power over men's hearts, either encouraging them to do good (iii. 21, xi. 3, xii. 36), or, having larger ends in view, not preventing them from doing evil ("hardening the heart," iv. 21; vii. 3; x. 1, 20; xiv. 4, 17). God is omniscient: He knows the distant, the future, what man may be expected to do according to his nature (vi. 4-13, 29; viii. 11, 15; ix. 12, 35; xxiv. 20; xxxiv. 10-12). From God proceed artistic inspiration, wisdom, insight, knowledge, and skill (xxxi. 3; xxxv. 31, 34; xxxvi. 1, 2).
God is Providence (ii. 25); He rewards good deeds, be they done from fear of or love for Him (i. 21, xx. 6). He is not indifferent to human misery; He sees and hears and intervenes at the right moment (iii. 7; iv. 31; vi. 5; xxii. 22, 26); He makes promises which He fulfils (ii. 24, iii. 16, iv. 31, vi. 5, xxxii. 13). God is jealous and leaves nothing unpunished (xx. 7, xxxiv. 7); but He always punishes the sinner Himself, admitting no vicarious death, even if it is offered (xxxii. 33). His great moral indignation ("anger") against sin would be destructive (xxxii. 10, 33) were not His forgiving love still greater (xx. 5, xxxii. 14, xxxiii. 19). He is gracious and full of mercy (xv. 13, xxxiv. 6). His presence means grace; it sanctifies; for He Himself "is glorious in holiness" (xv. 11, xxix. 43).
Man can not perceive God in His entire nature; he may only look after God when He has passed by and imagine Him (Dillmann to Ex. xxxiii. 22).
Yet God reveals Himself to man; i.e., He informs man visibly and audibly of His presence and will. God, who has already appeared to the Fathers, appears in the flaming bush, in the pillar of cloud and of fire on the march, in the clouds in which He came down on Sinai, in the fire on the mountain, in the cloud in the desert, in the pillar of cloud on Moses' tent, in the cloud from which He calls out to Moses His attributes of grace, in the cloud and the fire that serve as signals to the Israelites to start or to encamp (vi. 3; xiii. 21; xiv. 19; xix. 11; xx.; xxiv. 15, 17; xxxiii. 9; xxxiv. 5; xl. 34-36). This divine appearance is called God's message (xiv. 19; xxiii. 20, 23; xxxii. 34; xxxiii. 2) or His glory (xvi. 7, 10; xxiv. 16-17; xxxiii. 22; xl. 34).
God appears in order to make Himself known, to give commands, and to impart reverence leading to obedience (xvi. 10, xix. 9, xx. 20). God speaks chiefly with Moses; He puts the words in Moses' mouth, and tells him what to say; He talks with him face to face, as a man with his neighbor, and gives him a staff as a token of his office (iii. 15; iv. 17; vii. 2, 17, 20; ix. 23; x. 13; xxxiii. 11). But God also speaks from heaven to the entire people (xx. 22), and orders for Himself a permanent dwelling-place among them in the tabernacle set up according to His directions (xx. 22, xxv. 8, xxix. 45); He descends thither in order to talk with Moses, His especial place being the cover of the Ark of the Covenant, between the two cherubim (xxv. 22, xxix. 43, xxx. 6).
Israel.
God has made a covenant with the Fathers of the people, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, that He will multiply them as the stars of heaven; that He will remember them, save them, and give to them and their descendants the land of Canaan—a land "flowing with milk and honey," and that, shall reach "from the Red Sea even unto the sea of the Philistines, and from the desert unto the river" (ii. 24; iii. 8, 17; vi. 4-8; xiii. 5; xxiii. 31; xxxii. 13; xxxiii. 3). God remembers this covenant and keeps it despite everything, as is exemplified in the deliverance of Israel and the destruction of Pharaoh (i. 7, 12; iii. 7; vi. 1; xxiii. 20); He does not forget it, in spite of the dejection and the murmurings of the people (vi. 9; xiv. 10; xv. 24; xvi. 2, 27; xvii. 3), their worship of the golden calf and their obstinacy (xxxii. 9; xxxiii. 3, 5; xxxiv. 9). He leads, fights for, heals, and educates Israel and destroys Israel's enemies (xiii. 17; xiv. 14, 25; xv. 3, 26; xvi. 4; xx. 20; xxiii. 22, 23, 27; xxxiii. 2, xxxiv. 11, 24). The Israelites are God's people, His host, His first-born son (vi. 7, vii. 4, xii. 41, xv. 16, xxxii. 11 et seq.; xxxiii. 13, 16). Yhwh will be Israel's God (vi. 7, xxix. 5). Israel is His property ("segullah"). Above all people Israel shall be His people, "a kingdom of priests, and a holy nation," if Israel will listen to God's voice and keep His covenant (xix. 5, 6). Therefore He gives to the Israelites commandments, descends to them in His glory, holds them worthy of renewed revelations, and orders divine service (xxiv. 8, xxxiv. 27).
The Moral Law.
In Exodus are found for the first time the preeminent characteristics of the Israelitic law: its origin in and pragmatic connection with history. An account is given of the laws in connection with the events that called them forth. Thus, on the one hand, history explains and justifies the Law, while on the other the Law keeps alive and commemorates the events and teachings of history. As furthermore God is the subject of history as well as the lawgiver, Israel's religion assumes here the fundamental characteristic that determines its entire future development: it is a law founded on God as revealed in history. The basis is the Decalogue, the Ten Commandments (Ex. xx. 1-17), in which all duties are designated as duties toward the God who liberated Israel from the slavery of Egypt. Israel must not recognize any other God; idolatry and the making and worshiping of images are forbidden (xx. 2-5, 23; xxiii. 13, 24, 33; xxxii.; xxxiv. 12-14, 17); Israel shall beware of seductive intercourse with the idolatrous Canaanites; sacrificing to idols, and magic, are punishable by death. Nor may the name of the true God be applied to vain idols (this is the only correct explanation of xx. 7). God is recognized as Creator of the world by the sanctification of the Sabbath, on which man and beast shall rest from all labors (xvi. 23 et seq., xx. 7 et seq., xxiii. 12, xxxi. 12-17, xxxv. 1-3), and also by the observance of the Sabbatical year (xxiii. 10). He is recognized as Israel's savior from Egyptian oppression by the celebration of the Passover (see below).
"Honor thy father and thy mother: that thy days may be long upon the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee" (xx. 12, fifth commandment). He who strikes or insults his father or mother is punished by death (xxi. 15, 17). Honor must also be accorded to those in authority (xxii. 27 [A. V. 28])."Thou shalt not kill" (xx. 13). Murder is punishable by death (xxi. 12); there is no place of refuge for the murderer, as there is for the accidental homicide, even at the altar (xxi. 13-14). For bodily injuries there is a fine (xxi. 18-19, 22-25, 28-31).
"Thou shalt not commit adultery" (xx. 14). Lechery and intercourse with animals are punishable by death (xxii. 17); the seducer of a virgin must either marry her or compensate her father (xxii. 15 et seq.). "Thou shalt not steal" (xx. 15). Kidnaping is punishable by death (xxi. 16). Killing of a burglar is justifiable. Whoever steals cattle, slaughtering and selling it, has to pay four or five times its value; if it is found alive, double; if the thief is unable to pay he is sold into slavery (xxi. 37, xxii. 3). Property injured or destroyed must be made good (xxi. 33-36, xxii. 4-14).
"Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbor" (xx. 16). Justice, veracity, impartiality, honesty in court, are enjoined (xxiii. 1, 2, 6-8). An oath is demanded where there is suspicion of a default (xxii. 7 et seq.).
"Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's house, thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's wife, nor his manservant, nor his maidservant, nor his ox, nor his ass, nor anything that is thy neighbor's (xx. 17).
The duties to one's neighbor include both kindly deeds and kindly thoughts. The poor man must be cared for: justice shall be done to him; loans shall be made to him; and he shall not be pressed for payment, nor shall the necessaries of life be taken in pawn (xxii. 24 et seq.). Widows and orphans shall not be oppressed; for God is their advocate (xxii. 21). Strangers shall not be injured or oppressed; "for ye were strangers in the land of Egypt" (xxii. 20, xxiii. 9); they also shall rest on the Sabbath (xx. 10). A Hebrew bond-servant shall not serve longer than six years, unless he himself chooses to remain. He may not earn any wages for himself while serving. The master of a girl that has been sold into servitude shall marry her or give her a dower. Servants are to be set free on receiving bodily injuries; and death caused by an animal is requited (xxi. 1-11, 20, 21, 26, 27, 32). Servants also shall rest on the Sabbath (xx. 10, xxiii. 12). Animals shall be treated gently (xxiii. 4, 5, 19), and be allowed to rest on the Sabbath (xx. 10; xxiii. 12). Consideration for an enemy is enjoined (xxiii. 4, 5). To do these commandments is to obey God (xv. 26, xvi. 28, xx. 6, xxiii, 13). Israel shall trust in Him (iii.-vi., xiv. 31, xvi., xvii. 7, xix. 9); and in a significant passage (xx. 6) the love for God is accentuated.
Cult.
In Exodus the beginnings of the national cult are seen. It is strictly forbidden to make or worship idols (xx. 3, 23; xxiii. 24; xxxii.; xxxiv. 13, 17). The symbol of the Divine Presence is the Tabernacle built according to God's directions, more especially the cover of the Ark of the Covenant and the space between the cherubim thereon (see Tabernacle). Worship by specially sanctified priests shall be observed in this sanctuary (see Leviticus). The festivals include the Sabbath, for which no ritual is mentioned, and three "pilgrimage festivals," at which all males are to appear before God (xxiii. 14-17, xxxiv. 18-23).
The Passover is discussed in detail, a large part of the book being devoted to its institution (xii. 1-28, 43-50; xiii. 1-16; xxiii. 15; xxxiv. 18-20); and its historical origin is to be brought home to all future generations (xii. 2, 14, 17, 24-27, 42; xiii. 5-10, 16; see Mazzah; Pesah; Seder). Toward evening of the 14th day of the first month a yearling male lamb or kid without blemish shall be slaughtered, roasted by the fire, and eaten at the family dinner, together with unleavened bread and bitter herbs. It must be roasted whole, with the legs and entrails, and no bones must be broken; none of the meat must be carried from the house, but whatever remains until morning must be burned. In connection with this there is a seven days' festival (), the Feast of Mazzot (unleavened bread). This bread shall be eaten for seven days, from the 14th to the 21st of the first month (the month of Abib, in which Israel went out from Egypt; xxiii. 15, xxxiv. 18). It is strictly forbidden to partake of anything leavened; it must be removed from the house on the first day. The first and the seventh day are strictly days of rest, on which only necessary food may be prepared. The sanctification of the firstlings that belong to God is also connected with the Passover. The first-born child, and that of the ass, which can not be sacrificed, must be redeemed by a lamb (xiii. 1 et seq., xxii. 28, xxxiv. 19 et seq.). Other festivals are (1) the cutting of the first-fruits of the harvest ("hag ha-kazir") or the Feast of Weeks ("hag Shabu'ot"), and (2) the harvest-home ("hag ha-Asif") at the end of the year, after the harvest has been gathered in (xxiii. 16, xxxiv. 22). At these festivals the people must not appear empty-handed before God; they must not mix the blood of the Passover sacrifice with leavened bread, nor leave the sacrifice until the morning; they must take the firstlings of the field into the house of God, and must not seethe the kid in its mother's milk (xxiii. 18, 19; xxxiv. 25, 26). The tithes from the barn and the vineyard must not be delayed. Animals torn in the field ("ṭerefah") must not be eaten, but must be thrown to the dogs, for "ye shall be holy men" (xxii. 28-30; A. V. 29-31).E. G. H. B. J.
—Critical View I.:
The Book of Exodus, like the other books of the Hexateuch, is of composite origin, being compiled of documents originally distinct, which have been excerpted and combined by a redactor (see Pentateuch). The two main sources used in Exodus are the one now generally known as "JE," the chief component parts of which date probably from the seventh or eighth century B.C., and the one denoted by "P," which is generally considered to have been written during or shortly after the Babylonian captivity. The former of these sources is in tone and character akin to the writings of the great prophets; the latter is evidently the work of a priest, whose chief interest it was to trace to their origin, and describe with all needful particularity, the ceremonial institutions of his people. It is impossible, within the limits of the present article, to state the details of the analysis, at least in what relates to the line of demarcation between J and E, or to discuss the difficult problems which arise inconnection with the account of the legislation contained in JE (xix.-xxiv. and xxxii.-xxxiv.); but the broad and important line of demarcation between P and JE may be indicated, and the leading characteristics of the principal sources may be briefly outlined.
The parts of Exodus which belong to P are: i. 1-5, 7, 13-14, ii. 23b-25 (the oppression); vi. 2-vii. 13 (commission of Moses, with genealogy, vi. 14-27); vii. 19-20a, 21b-22, viii. 1-3, 11b-15 (A.V. 5-7, 15b-19), ix. 8-12, xi. 9-10 (the plagues); xii. 1-20, 28, 37a, 40, 41, 43-51, xiii. 1-2, 20 (Passover, mazzot, dedication of first-born); xiv. 1-4, 8-9, 15-18, 21a, c, 22-23, 26-27a, 28a-29 (passage of Red Sea); xvi. 1-3, 6-24, 31-36 (the manna); xvii. 1a, xix. 1-2a (journey to Sinai); xxiv. 15-18a, xxv. 1-xxxi. 18a (instructions respecting the Tabernacle); xxxiv. 29-35, xxxv.-xl. (the construction and erection of the Tabernacle). The rest of the book consists of J and E, which (before they were combined with P) were united into a whole by a redactor, and at the same time, it seems, expanded in parts (especially in the legal portions) by hortatory or didactic additions, approximating in style to Deuteronomy.
Characteristics of JE.
In JE's narrative, particularly in the parts belonging to J, the style is graphic and picturesque, the descriptions are vivid and abound in detail and colloquy, and both emotion and religious feeling are warmly and sympathetically expressed. As between J and E, there are sometimes differences in the representation. In the account of the plagues, for instance, the Israelites are represented by J as living apart in Goshen (viii. 18 [A. V. 22], ix. 26; compare Gen. xlv. 10, xlvi. 28, etc.; also J); and the plagues are sent by Yhwh at a specified time announced beforehand to Pharaoh by Moses. In E the Israelites are represented, not as occupying a district apart, but as living side by side with the Egyptians (iii. 22, xi. 2, xii. 85 et seq.); and the plague is brought to pass on the spot by Moses with his rod (vii. 20b; ix. 23; x. 12, 13a; compare iv. 2, 17, 20b; xvii, 5; also E) or his hand (x. 22). An interesting chapter belonging to E is xviii., which presents a picture of Moses legislating. Disputes arise among the people; they are brought before Moses for settlement; and his decisions are termed "the statutes and directions ["torot"] of God." It was the office of the priests afterward to give direction () upon cases submitted to them, in matters both of civil right (Deut. xvii. 17) and of ceremonial observance (ib. xxiv. 8; Hag. ii. 11-13); and it is difficult not to think that in Exodus xviii. there is a genuine historical tradition of the manner in which the nucleus of Hebrew law was created by Moses himself.
JE's account of the Sinaitic legislation is contained in xix. 3-xxiv. 14, 18b; xxxi. 18b-xxxiv. 28. This narrative, when examined attentively, discloses manifest marks of composite structure. The greater part of it belongs tolerably clearly to E, viz.: xix. 3-19; xx.-xxiii. 33 (expanded in parts by the compiler); xxiv. 3-8, 12-14, 18b; xxxi. 18b; xxxii. 1-8 (9-14, probably compiler), 15-35; xxxiii. 5-11. To J belong xix. 20-25, xxiv. 1-2, 9-11 (fragments of an account of the theophany on Sinai); and xxxiii. 1-4, xxxiii. 12-xxxiv. 28 appear also to be based upon J, but amplified by the compiler. A particularly noticeable passage in E's narrative is xxxiii. 7-11, which preserves the oldest representation of the "Tent of Meeting"; it was outside the camp (compare Num. xi. 16, 17, 24-30; xii. 4; also E; and contrast the representation of P in Num. ii. et seq.); the youthful Joshua was its keeper; and Moses from time to time repaired to it for the purpose of communing with Yhwh. Evidently the Tent of Meeting, as pictured by E, was a much simpler structure than it is in the representation of P (xxvi.-xxxi., etc.), just as the altar (xx. 24-26), feasts, etc. (xxiii. 10-19), presented by E, reflect the usage of a simpler, more primitive age than do the corresponding regulations in P.
The laws of JE are contained in xii. 21 27 (Passover); xiii. 3-16 (mazzot and consecration of first-born); xx. 1-17 (the Decalogue); xx. 22-xxiii. 33 (the "Book of the Covenant"; see xxiv. 7); and the repetition (with slight verbal differences, and the addition in xxxiv. 12-17 of more specific warnings against idolatry) of xiii. 12-13, and of the theocratic section of the Book of the Covenant (xxiii. 10-19) in xxxiv. 10-26 (sometimes called the "Little Book of the Covenant"). The Decalogue and the Book of the Covenant both belong in particular to E.
These laws have in many places had parenetic additions made to them by the compiler (e.g., much of xiii. 3-16; the explanatory comments in xx. 4-6, 9-11, 12b, 17; xxii. 21b, 22; xxiii. 23-25a). The laws in xxxiv. 10-26 are introduced ostensibly as embodying the conditions for the renewal of the Covenant after it had been broken by the sin of the golden calf; but it is generally supposed that originally they formed a separate collection, which was introduced independently, in slightly different recensions, into E in xxiii. 10-19, and into J here, and which probably, when J was complete, stood as part of J's direct sequel to xxiv. 1-2, 9-11. Further, although by the author of xxxiv. 1-28 in its present form (see verse 1b), the "ten commandments" (Hebr. "ten words") of verse 28b are evidently intended to be the Decalogue of xx. 1-17, yet the natural subject of "And he wrote" in verse 28 is "Moses" (compare verse 27); hence it is also inferred by many critics that, in the original context of verse 28, the "ten words" were the preceding group of laws (verses 10-26), which, though now expanded by the compiler, would in that case have comprised originally ten particular injunctions (the "ritual Decalogue" of J, as opposed to the "moral Decalogue" of E in xx. 1-17). Whatever the true explanation of the double appearance of this little group of laws may be, it is in any case the earliest existing formulation of what were regarded at the time as the essential ritual observances of the religion of Yhwh.
Characteristics of P.
The literary and other characteristics of P are, mutatis mutandis, the same in Exodus as in other parts of the Hexateuch. The same or similar stereotyped formulas appear; and (as a reference to the synopsis above will show) there is the same disposition to reduce the account of ordinary events to a bare summary, but to enlarge upon everything connected with ceremonial institutions. In i.-xi. the narrative of P runs parallel to that of JE; and the compiler has sometimes preserved divergent versions of the same events. Thus, if vi. 2-vii. 13 be compared carefully with iii. 1-vi. 1, it will be seen not to describe the sequel of it, but to contain a parallel and partly divergent account of the commission of Moses and of the preliminary steps taken by him to secure the release of the people. In the narrative of the plagues there aresystematic differences between P and JE: thus in P Aaron cooperates with Moses; no demand for Israel's release is ever made upon Pharaoh, the plagues being viewed rather merely as signs or proofs of power; the description is brief; the success or failure of the Egyptian magicians (who are mentioned only in this narrative) is noted, and the hardening of Pharaoh's heart is expressed by the verb "hhazak," "hizzak" (this verb is used also by E; but J has regularly "kabed," "hikbid"), In xii.-xiii. the double strand is particularly evident: Passover, mazzot, narrative, and the dedication of the first-born are all in duplicate (in P, xii. 1-13 [43-50 supplementary], 14-20, 28, 37a, 40-41, 51; xiii. 1-2: in JE, xii, 21-27 (which careful comparison will show to be not really the sequel of xii. 1-13), 29-36, 37b-39, 42a; xiii. 3-10, 11-16).
The most characteristic part of P is, however, the account of the instructions given to Moses on the Mount (xxiv. 15-18a) for the construction of the Tabernacle and the appointment of a priesthood (xxv.-xxxi.). These instructions fall into two parts: (1) xxv.-xxix.; (2) xxx.-xxxi. In xxv.-xxix. the following subjects are dealt with: the Ark, table of show-bread, and candlestick (xxv.); the Tabernacle ("mishkan"), its curtains, boards, and veil (xxvi.); the altar of burnt offering, and the court (xxvii.); the dress of the priests (xxviii.); the ritual for their consecration, and for the daily burnt offering, which it is a primary duty of the priesthood to maintain (xxix. 1-42); and finally what is apparently the formal close of the entire body of instructions, Yhwh's promise to take up His abode in the sanctuary thus established (xxix. 43-46). Chapters xxx.-xxxi. contain directions respecting the altar of incense, the maintenance of public worship, the brazen laver, the anointing-oil, the incense (xxx.); the nomination of Bezaleel and Aholiab, and the observance of the Sabbath (xxxi.). While now it is not doubted that xxv.-xxix., with unimportant exceptions, form part of the original legislation of P, it is generally held by critics that xxx.-xxxi. belong to a secondary and posterior stratum of it, reflecting a later stage of ceremonial usage. The chief reason for this conclusion is the manner in which the altar of incense is introduced (xxxi. 1-10). If such an altar had been contemplated by the author of xxv.-xxix., he must, it is argued, have introduced it in xxv., together with the other furniture of the Holy Place, and also mentioned it in xxvi. 33-35; moreover, he would naturally, in such a case, have distinguished the altar described in xxvii. 1-8 from the altar of incense, and not have spoken of it simply as thealtar.
This conclusion respecting the secondary character of the altar of incense appears to be confirmed by the fact that in the other laws of P there is a stratum in which such an altar is not recognized (for instance, Lev, xvi.). There are also other indications tending to show that xxx.-xxxi. belong to a posterior stratum of P, as compared with xxv.-xxix. Chapters xxxv-xl. describe, largely in the same words as xxv.-xxxi. (the tenses alone being altered), but with several differences of order, how the instructions given there to Moses were carried out. In these chapters the altar of incense and the brazen laver (xxx. 17-21) are introduced in the places which they would naturally be expected to occupy, namely, in the descriptions of the Holy Place and the court respectively (xxxvii. 25-28, xxxviii. 8). It follows that if xxx.-xxxi. belong to a secondary stratum of P, the same must be true of xxxv.-xl. The later origin of xxxv.-xl. seems to be further supported by the fact that the Septuagint version of these chapters is not by the same hand as the rest of the book; so that presumably they were not in the manuscript used by the original translators. The chapters, if this view is correct, have taken the place of a much briefer account of the manner in which the construction of the Tabernacle was carried out.
P's Representation of the Tabernacle Unhistorical.
P's representation of the Tabernacle and its appointments can not be historical. The lsraelites in the wilderness had undoubtedly an "ohel mo'ed"; but it was the simple "ohel mo'ed" of E (Ex. xxxiii. 7-11; Num. xi., xii.), not the costly and elaborate structure described by P. P's representation is the embodiment of an ideal; it is a "product of religious idealism," constructing for the Mosaic age, upon the basis of traditions or reminiscences of the Temple of Solomon, a shrine such as might be adequate to Yhwh's majesty, and worthily symbolize His presence in the midst of His people (compare Ottley, "Aspects of the O. T." p. 226).
Bibliography: The introductions to the O. T. by Kuenen, Driver, Holzinger, König, Cornill, Baudissin;
the commentaries of Dillmann, Baentsch (1900), Holzinger (1900), and A. R. S. Kennedy (forthcoming);
C. A. Briggs, The Higher Criticism of the Hexateuch, 1897;
Carpenter and Harford-Battersby, The Hexateuch, Oxford, 1900, especially ii. 79-143 (text of Exodus, with the sources distinguished typographically, and full critical notes);
G. F. Moore, Exodus, in Cheyne and Black, Encyc. Bibl. ii. (where further literature is referred to).E. G. H. S. R. D.
—Critical View II.:
The critical problems and hypotheses that Exodus shares with the other books, such as the historical value of the accounts; authorship; relation to the later books; age, origin, and character of the alleged sources, can not be discussed here now; the analysis of sources of Exodus can alone be treated. According to the critics of the Pentateuch, Exodus, like all the other books of the Torah, possesses no unity, having been compiled from different sources at different times, the various parts being then revised finally by one redactor (R); the same sources as those for Genesis furnish the material, namely, J (Jahvist), E (Elohist), and P (Priestly Code), in which again several strata must be distinguished, as P2, P3, P4, J1, J2, E1, E2, etc. It is not necessary to refer to all the suggestions that have been made; the analyses of sources by Kuenen and Cornill are chiefly treated here (Kuenen: Introduction; § 5; § 6, 2-15; § 8, 10-13; § 13, 12 et seq.; § 16, 12; Cornill: Introduction; § 7; § 11, 4; § 12; § 13, 2, 8; § 14, 1, 2, 3.
To P2 is assigned, according to Kuenen: i. 1-7, 13, 14; ii. 23-25; vi. 2-12 (13-28 interrupt the course of the story and are by a later reviser; they are, according to Wellhausen, unskilfully inserted and amplified); vii. 1-13, 19, 20a (21c ?), 22; viii. 1-3, 11b, 12-15; ix. 8-12 (35 ?); xi. 9-10; xii. 1-20, 28, 40revision , 41revision, 43-51 (xiii. 20 ?); xiv. 1-4, 8, 9, 10 (inpart), 15-18, 21 (in part), 22, 23, 26, 27 (in part), 28, 29; xvi. ("this chapter has been subsequently revised and completed") (xvii. 1; xix. 2a ?); xxiv. 15-18a; xxv.-xxix. "follow in natural and regular order, and may have been arranged in this way by the author himself," but (§ 16, 12) contain many interpolations by R.
Ch. xxx., xxxi. 1-17, in which "the connection is looser, or is wanting altogether; and in which there are contained regulations that do not harmonize with what has preceded, and that are not presupposed later where they would naturally be mentioned . . . probably contain later additions, harmonizing in style with xxiv.-xxix., but not composed by the same author." To P4 are assigned ch. xxxv.-xl. (and also Lev. viii.), which "depend entirely on xxv.-xxxi., which the author must have had before him." They formed "originally a very brief account of the observance of the regulations laid down in xxv. et seq.; they seem to have been gradually worked out, and then made as similar to those regulations as possible. The striking variations found in the Greek translation of xxxv.-xl. lead to the assumption that the final redaction of these chapters was hardly completed—if indeed it was completed—when that translation was made, i.e., about 250 B.C." This entire theory regarding xxv.-xxxi., xxxv.-xl. is based on Popper's work, which the other critics also follow.
Cornill, who includes the later parts of P2 under the general designation Px, assigns to the Priestly Code the following portions: i. 1-5, 7revision , 13, 14 revision ; ii. 23revision, 24-25; vi. essentially (13-30 = Px): vii. 1-13, 19, 20a revision, 21b-22; viii. 1-3, 11a, b-15; ix. 8-12; xi. 9-10; xii. 1-20, 28, 37 revision, 40-41, 43-51 (15-20 and 43-50 = Px); xiii. 1-2; xiv. 1-4, 8, 9b, 10a, b, 15 revision, 16-18, 21-23essentially, 26-28aa, 28 revision, 29; xvi. 1-3, 6-7, 9-18 revision, 20, 22a, b-24, 32-35a; xvii. 1a; xix. 1 revision, 2a; xxiv. 15-18aa; xxv. 1-xxxi. 18a (xxviii. 41 belongs surely to Px, as do perhaps also other shorter additions to xxv.-xxix.; and xxx.-xxxi. entire); xxxiv. 29-35 (?); xxxv.-xl. (entirely Px).
It is much more difficult in what remains to distinguish between the closely related J and E. Passages relatively complete in themselves are: (1) ch. xxi.-xxiii., the so-called "Book of the Covenant"; it belongs to E, though dating from an earlier time, and was found by him and incorporated in his work; (2) the story of the golden calf (xxxii.-xxxiv.), J and E sharing about equally in the account; (3) the Decalogue and the preparations for it (xix., xx.), chiefly E, but J also has a Decalogue tradition, its Ten Commandments being found in xxxiv. 14-26 (Wellhausen). E1, originally composed in the Northern Kingdom, must be distinguished from E2; the latter was compiled about 100 years later for Judah, and was worked over with J to form JE, many passages of which can no longer be analyzed.
E: Kuenen: Traces of E are found in i. (15-21, and apparently also 8-12, "is generally included in E"); in ii. "there is great difference of opinion" on the origin of verses 1-23 (according to Jülicher verses 1-22 are taken from E; according to Dillmann 1-14 from E and 15-23a from J. Wellhausen takes the story on the whole to be a combination from J and E.) This document appears especially clear, though not without admixture, in iii. 1-15, a section that, as complement to vi. 2 et seq. (P), also explains the use of "Elohim" in the account of the pre-Mosaic time taken from E. In the following "the traces are only with difficulty distinguished: in iii. 16-xii. only here and there with any certainty." (Dillmann includes in E: the greater part of iii. 16-22; iv. 17, 20b, 18, 21; the greater part of v.; vii. 15, 16, 17b, 20b, 21a, 23 in part, 24; viii. 16a, 21-24a, 25b; ix. 22, 23a, 24a, 25b (?), 31, 32, 35; x. 8-13a, 14 in part, 15 in part, 20, 21-27; xi. 1-3; xii. 31-33, 37b, 38. Jülicher includes: iv. 17, 18, 20b: v. 1, 2, 5; vii. 17 in part, 18, 20 in part, and 21, 24, 25a; viii. 21b, 22, 23; ix. 22, 23a, 24 and 28 in part, 35; x. 7, 8-11, 12, 13a, 14a, 15a, 20, 21-27, 28, 29; xi. 1-7; xii. 32, 35-38.) E is found again in: xiii. 17-19, 21, 22; xiv. 19a (19b ?); xv. 22-26; xvii. 1b-7, 8-16; xviii. Also xix. 9a, 10-17; xx. 18-21, 1-17 (in this order); this—the so-called "first"—the Decalogue, with the historical matter connected with it in xix.-xxiv., belongs to E2. From the Book of the Covenant xxiv. 1, 2, 9-14, 18a, and various other passages, belong to E, as does also the story of Israel's apostasy at Sinai, which appears enlarged and connected with other stories in xxxii.-xxxiv., belonging originally to E2.
Cornill: i. 11-12, 15-22 essentially; ii. 1-10 essentially; iii. 1-15essentially, 21-22; iv. 17, 18, 20b; vii. 15b, 17b-18, 20b-21a, 24; ix. 22-23a, 24brevision, 25b, 31-32, 35; x. 12-13aa, 14aa, b, 15b, 20-23, 25 (?); xi. 1-3; xii. 35-36, 37revision; xiii. 17-19; xiv. 7-9a,β, 10a, β, 19a, 20 (?); xv. 20-26essentially; xvii-xxiv.essentially; xxxi. 18b; xxxii.essentially; xxxiii. 1-11revision; xxxiv. 1a,4 revision, 28b revision (?). In xix.-xxxiv. only xix. 13b (perhaps); xxiv. 1-2, 9-11; and xxxiii. 7-10 belong to E1.
J, according to Kuenen, is represented in i.-xv. by accounts parallel with those of E, but which can not now be distinguished; "but it is doubtful whether J contributed anything to the account of the laws promulgated at Mount Sinai and of the defection of Israel, xix.-xxiv. and xxxii.-xxxiv." (Wellhausen finds J in: xix. 20-25; xx. 23-26; xxi.-xxiii.; xxiv. 3-8; Dillmann, in: xix. 9a, 20-25 [xx. 1-17, perhaps under a different form]; xxiv. 1, 2; xxxiv. 10-27; fragments in xxiv. 3-8, 9-11, 12 in part, 18b; xxxii. 1-14, 19b-24, 30-34; also in xxxiii. 1-6, 12, 13, 18-23; xxxiii. 14-17; xxxiv. 1-9.)
Cornill: i. 6, 7a,b, 8-10, 14a,β, 20b, 22 (?); ii. 11-23aa; iii. 16-20; iv. 1-12, 19, 20a, 24-26, 29revision, 30revision, 31; v.essentially; vi. 1; vii. 14-15a, 16-17a, 23, 25, 29; viii. 4revision, 5-7, 8revision, 9-11aa, 16-20, 21 revision, 22-28; ix. 1-7, 13-21, 23b, 24 revision, 25a, 26, 27 revision, 28-30, 33; x.essentially; xi. 4-8; xii. 21-27essentially, 29-39essentially, 42a; xiii. 3-16essentially, 21-22; xiv. 5-6, 9aa, 10ba, 11-14, 19b, 21a,β, 24-25, 27 revision, 28b, 30-31; xvi. 4-5, 16a,β, 18b, 21-22aa; 25-31essentially, 35b; xvii. 1a,b, 2, 7; xix. 2b, 7, 9-11, 18, 20-21, 22b, 25a; xxxiii. 12-23essentially (?); xxxiv. 1a revision, 2-3, 4 revision, 5, 6a, 8, 10-28essentially.
Redaction.
Editions (according to Cornill): In the first place J and E were combined into one book (JE) by one redactor (RJE). He greatly revised iii., and may have added the marching song xv. 1-19 ("it is entirely improbable that it was composed at the time the event itself took place"). He also did much editing of the pericope dealing with the legislation (xix.-xxxiv.). He used E2 throughout as foundation, supplementing it with J; he omitted entirely the second Decalogue in J, incorporating what he thought valuable in the Book of the Covenant, xxiii. 15-19, and reduced xxxii.-xxxiii., on the whole, to its present form. A second redactor then combined (the later) Deuteronomy with JE ( = JE + D). He added iv. 21-23; in the story of the Egyptian plagues (x. 2) "there is at least a Deuteronomistic, touch"; he also added viii. 18b and ix. 29b, and probably revised ix. 14-16. He greatly revised xii. 21-27, xiii. 3-16, xv. 26, xvi., and xviii. 20b. He transferred, according to Kuenen, the Book of the Covenant to Mount Sinai in order to get room for Deuteronomy, being responsible, therefore, for all the confusion caused thereby—for example, the transferring of xx. 18-21 from its original position before, to its present position after, xx. 1-17; the transition to the Book of the Covenant as found in xx. 22, 23; and the peculiar form of xxiv. 1-15a. Ch. xix. 3b-8 is also specifically Deuteronomic, as well as the revisions of the Book of the Covenant with the final admonitions in xxiii. 22b-25a, 27, 31b-33, and the revision of the second Decalogue, which RJE transferred to the Book of the Covenant.
A third redactor, who combined JED with P, thus practically producing the Pentateuch (RP), added iv. 13-16 and 27-28, revised 29-30, and in v.-x. added everywhere the name of Aaron (which was not includedat all originally!). He or Px (see ante) added vi. 13-30. It is more difficult to ascertain the method of his revision of xii. 40-42. To xvi. he transferred (in consideration of JE) a passage by P on the manna, which originally was placed after the revelation on Sinai (the reason assigned for this assumption on the part of the critics is that verse 34 presupposes the Tabernacle; but this verse is as much merely an anticipatory comment as is 35). He added to xvii. the fragment of the Jahvistic miraculous story of the spring in order to make room for P in Num. xx. He added finally the repeated phrase "the tables of testimony," xxxi. 18, xxxiv. 29, and in xxxiii. he omitted the Elohistic account of the making of the Ark of the Covenant. It is often doubtful whether a revision was made by RP or by P3, 4, 5—RP is himself a priestly redactor.
Errors of Critical School.
All these and similar analyses of the sources of Exodus and the conclusions based thereon are entirely wrong. However rich and many-sided may have been the traditions from which the author drew his material, the book from beginning to end is composed and arranged according to a predetermined plan. The fundamental errors of the critical views are these: (1) The distinction made between J and E is erroneous, resting as it does on the varying use of the divine names "Yhwh" and "Elohim"; this use does not indicate a difference in authorship, but is due to the different meanings of the two names, the choice of which is carefully considered in each case. The statement that E uses in iii. 15 the name "Yhwh" for the first time, is due to a wrong interpretation; it is based on the Alexandrian-Essenic-Christian-Gnostic common superstition of the power of names and mere words, which, going back to Egyptian antiquity, is strongly marked in the New Testament—and hence naturally influences modern scholars—but is entirely foreign to the Old Testament. The verses vi. 2 et seq. are likewise interpreted wrongly. (2) An entirely insufficient argument is the alleged further variations of the language; for this presupposes the point to be proved. This argument turns in a circle: the critics seek to prove different sources by the variations of language, and vice versa. Moreover, the vocabulary is too limited for such assertions. (3) The differences of style and treatment do not indicate different authors, but are called forth by the different subjects. The account of the Tabernacle demanded technical details; while the stories of the deliverance from Egypt and of the revelation on Sinai prompted a strong, energetic, and thoughtful style. A separation into JE and P is not admissible. (4) All suggestions of reduplications, differences, and contradictions show an insufficient insight into the spirit and intentions of the author. Ch. i.-vi., for example, appear, on close investigation, to be an indissolubly united passage, from which not one word may be omitted. The same holds good of the story of the Egyptian miracles (vii.-xi.), the arrangement of which the critics have entirely misunderstood. The critics have refuted their own argument by making as a criterion of the division of this narrative into J and E the very want of definite scheme which is, according to them, characteristic of J and E.
The Book of the Covenant (xix.-xxiv.) is a unified piece of work, with logical connections that are admirably established. The alleged double tradition of the revelation, and especially Wellhausen's so-called second Decalogue in ch. xxxiv., are mere figments of the brain. The inadequacy of these criticisms is most striking in the review of the account of the Tabernacle, in the sequence of the passages xxv.-xxxi. and xxxv.-xl. and their connection with xxxii.-xxxiv. (5) The theory that the book was compiled from previous works is not sufficiently supported; and the attempt to analyze it into its component parts is a hopeless one, for all the elements of the book are closely welded together into one harmonious whole. nullCompare Deuteronomy.
Bibliography: The commentaries: M. Kalisch, 1855;
A. Knobel, 1857 (2d ed. by A. Dillmann, 1880;
3d ed. by V. Ryssel, 1897);
J. P. Lange, 1874;
Rawlinson, 2d ed., 1882;
H. L. Strack, 1894;
B. Baentsch, 1899.
Criticism: Th. Nöldeke, Untersuchungen zur Kritik des Alten Testaments, 1869;
Colenso, The Pentateuch and Book of Joshua, vi., 1872;
A. Kayser, Das Vorexilische, Buch der Urgesch. Israels und Seine Erweiterungen, 1874;
Wellhausen, Die Composition des Hexateuch und der Historischen Bücher des Alten Testaments, 1876-77, 2d ed. 1889;
A. Jülicher, Die Quellen von Exodus, i.-vii. 7, 1880;
idem, Die Quellen von Exodus, vii. 8-xxiv. 11, in Jahrb. für Protestantische Theologie, 1882, viii. 79-177, 272-315;
A. Kuenen, in Theologische Tijdschrift, 1880, xiv. 281-302 (Ex. xvi.);
ib. 1881, xv. 164-223, (Israel at Sinai, Ex. xix.-xxiv., xxxii.-xxxiv.);
Cornill, in Stade's Zeitschrift, 1881, xi. (on the relation of Ex. xvii. 1-7 to Num. xx. 1-13);
E. Bertheau, Die Sieben Gruppen Mosaischer Gesetze, etc., 1840;
Bruston, Les Quatre Sources des Lois de l'Exode, in Revue de Théologie et de Philosophie, 1883, xvi. 329-369;
idem, Des Cinq Documents de la Loi Mosaïque, 1892;
J. W. Rothstein, Das Bundesbuch und die Religionsgesch. Entwickelung Israels, 1888 (designates Ex. xxi. et seq. as a commentary to the Decalogue);
Budde, Die Gesetzgebung der Mittleren Bücher des Pentateuch, Insbesondere der Quellen J und E, in Stade's Zeitschrift, 1891, xi. 193-234;
idem, Bemerkungen zum Bundesbuch, in ib. pp. 99 et seq.;
B. W. Bacon, JE in the Middle Books of the Pentateuch, in Jour. Bib. Lit. 1890, ix a, 161-200 (Ex. vii.-xii.);
ib. 1891, x b, 107-130 (Ex. i.-vii.);
ib. xi b. 1892, 177-200 (Ex. xii. 37-xvii. 16);
ib. 1893, xii a, 23-46 (Ex. xviii.-xxxiv.);
idem, The Triple Tradition of the Exodus, Hartford, 1894;
B. Baentsch, Das Bundesbuch, 1892 (Ex. xx. 23-xxiii. 33);
L. B. Paton, The Original Form of the Book of the Covenant, in Jour. Bib. Lit. 1893, xii b, 79-93;
Briggs, Higher Criticism of the Hexateuch, 1893, Appendix, vi.;
idem, The Greater Book of the Covenant, etc., pp. 211-232;
R. Kraetzschmar, Die Bundesvorstellung im A. T. 1896, pp. 70-99;
Steuernagel, Der Jehovistische, Bericht über den Bundesschluss am Sinai (Ex. xix.-xxiv., xxxi. 18, xxxiv. 28), in Studien und Kritiken, 1899, p. 319.
On the Decalogue in particular: Franz Delitzsch, Der Dekalog in Exodus und Deuteronomium, in Zeitschrift für Kirchliche Wissenschaft, 1882, iii. 281-299;
O. Naumann, Der Dekalog und das Sinaitische Bundesbuch, ib. 1888, pp. 551-571;
C. G. Monteflore, Recent Criticism upon Moses and the Pentateuchal Narratives of the Decalogue, in J. Q. R. 1891, xi. 251-291;
Briggs, The Higher Criticism, Appendix, iii. 181-187;
O. Meissner, Der Dekalog, 1893.
On the question of the division of the Ten Commandments: Dillmann, l.c. p. 221. On the Tabernacle: J. Popper, Der Biblische Bericht über die Stiftshütte, 1862;
Delitzsch, in Zeitschrift für Kirchliche Wissenschaft und Kirchliches Leben, 1880, i. 57-66, 622;
Green, in Presbyterian and Reformed Review, v. 69-88;
A. Klostermann, in Neue Kirchliche Zeitscrift, 1897, pp. 48-77, 228-253, 289-328, 353-383;
introductions by Kuenen, Cornill, Strack, Driver, König, Baudissin, and especially Holzinger, Einleitung in den Hexateuch, 1893.B. J.
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ARTICLE HEADINGS:
—Biblical Data:
Name and Contents.
Ch. i.-iv.: The Call of Moses.
Ch. v., vi.: The Preparation.
Ch. vii.-x.: The Plagues:
Ch. xi-xiii. 16: The Departure.
Ch. xiii. 17-xv. 21: Pharaoh's Death.
Ch. xv. 22-xviii.: The March to Sinai.
Ch. xix.-xx.: Israel's Call:
Ch. xxi.-xxiv.: The Law and the Covenant.
Ch. xxv.-xxxi.: The Sanctuary and the Priests.
Ch. xxxii-xxxiv.: The Sin of the People with the Golden Calf.
Ch. xxxv.-xl.: The Sanctuary and the Garments of the Priests
Religion.
Revelations of God.
God the Absolutely Exalted One.
Israel.
The Moral Law.
Cult.
—Critical View I.:
Characteristics of JE.
Characteristics of P.
P's Representation of the Tabernacle Unhistorical.
—Critical View II.:
Redaction.
Errors of Critical School.
—Biblical Data:
The second book of the Torah or Pentateuch is called by the Jews , from the opening words, or briefly . The Greek name is ξοδος (in Philo also ξαγωγή), that is, "departure"; the Latin, "[Liber] Exodus." It contains, according to the Masorah, 1,209 (?) verses in 164 sections ("parashiyyot"), 69 ending in the middle of the line ("petuhot" = "open"), and 95 with a space in the middle of the line ("setumot"="closed"), in 29 chapters ("sedarim"), and 14 sections ("piskot"), for reading on the Sabbath, in 11 lessons. The common division into 40 chapters is taken from the Vulgate.
Name and Contents.
The second book of the Torah is the organic continuation of the first book. It narrates the departure of the descendants of the Patriarchs, increased to a people, from servitude in Egypt, their journey to Sinai, and the revelations and laws which they received there. It is a well-planned and well-arranged work, displaying much literary skill in the command over great masses of material as well as in the marshaling of the facts. It is homogeneous in its views, and is not encumbered by unnecessary repetitions, though the sequel to it is found only in the following books. It is divided into two principal sections: (1) ch. i-xviii., recounting Israel's deliverance from Egypt; (2) ch. xix.-xl., the promulgation of the Law. These may again be divided into subsections.
Ch. i.-iv.: The Call of Moses.
The Israelites living in Egypt are oppressed by forced labor,imposed upon them by a new Pharaoh who desires to destroy them (i.). The exposed male infant of a Levitic family (whose name, in order not to divert interest from the main story, is not given here), is found by Pharaoh's daughter, who calls him "Moses" and adopts him. Moses, grown to man's estate, sympathizes with his suffering brethren, and flees the country because he has slain an Egyptian overseer. He goes to Midian, becomes shepherd to the priest Jethro, and marries the latter's daughter Zipporah (ii.). As he is feeding the sheep on Mount Horeb, he has a marvelous experience. God appears to him from a thorn-bush which, though burning, is not consumed. He reveals Himself as the God of the Fathers of Israel, and orders Moses to go before Pharaoh and demand the release of his brethren. God overcomes Moses' reluctance by His promises of supreme aid, and appoints his brother Aaron to be his assistant. Moses then returns to Egypt.
Ch. v., vi.: The Preparation.
As Pharaoh not only refuses Moses' request, but oppresses the people still further, Moses complains to God, who thereupon announces to him that He will now display His power and will surely liberate Israel. At this point the genealogy of Moses and his family is inserted, in order that it may not later interrupt or weaken in any way the story which follows.
Ch. vii.-x.: The Plagues:
the proofs of God's power. After God has assigned their tasks to Moses and Aaron, and predicted Pharaoh's obduracy, and after they have attested their commission by working a miracle before Pharaoh (vii. 1-13), God sends nine plagues over Pharaoh, and his land: (1) the changing of the waters of the Nile into blood (, vii. 14-25); (2) frogs (, vii. 28-viii. 11); (3) vermin (, viii. 12-15); (4) noxious animals (, viii. 16-28); (5) death of the cattle (, ix. 1-7); (6) boils upon men and beasts (, ix. 9-12); (7) storms, killing men and beasts (, ix. 13-35); (8) locusts that devour all vegetation(, x. 1-20); (9) deep darkness for three days (, x. 21-29). These plagues, which give evidence of God's power over nature, are increasingly obnoxious and dangerous, and are so arranged that every third plague (hence narrated more briefly) confirms the two preceding ones (narrated more in detail), and each group follows naturally upon the preceding one. The story displays a skilful climax, rhythm, and variety. Pharaoh, however, is untouched by the first plague, which his magicians can imitate; after the second plague, which they can reproduce, but not check, he begins to supplicate; after the third plague he allows his magicians to comfort him; from the third on he makes fresh promises after each plague, but recalls them when the danger is past, and remains obdurate.
Ch. xi-xiii. 16: The Departure.
The last, decisive blow, namely, the death of all the first-born of the Egyptians (), and the departure are announced. For the protection of their homes the Israelites are commanded to kill a lamb () and to eat it quickly with unleavened bread () and bitter herbs (), on the 14th of the first month, and to be ready for immediate departure. The first-born of all the Egyptians die. Pharaoh dismisses the Israelites. To the number of 600,000 men, not including women and children, they leave the country, after a sojourn of 430 years, carrying with them rich gifts from benevolent Egyptians. They go first from Rameses to Succoth. Chap. xii. 43—xiii. 16 contain supplementary regulations regarding the future observance of the Passover.
Ch. xiii. 17-xv. 21: Pharaoh's Death.
Repenting his clemency, Pharaoh, with chariots and horsemen, pursues the Israelites, who have reached the shores of the Red Sea (), divinely guided by day by a pillar of cloud, and by night by a pillar of fire. The Israelites pass dry-shod through the waters, which marvelously recede before them while engulfing Pharaoh and his entire army. Moses and his people sing a song of praise to God.
Ch. xv. 22-xviii.: The March to Sinai.
The Israelites journey into the desert of Shur, to Mara. The people, complaining of lack of water, are satisfied. They reach Elim. In the desert of Sin they complain of lack of food. God sends them quails, and from this time on, except on the Sabbath, sends them a daily shower of manna. Upon arrival at Rephidim the people again complain of lack of water. God gives them water from a rock ("Massah and Meribah" = "place of temptation and quarrels"; xvii. 7). Amalek attacks Israel and is vanquished by Joshua. God commands eternal war against Amalek. Moses' father-in-law, Jethro, having heard of Israel's deliverance, visits Moses, bringing him his wife Zipporah and their two children, whom Moses had left behind at home. On Jethro's advice Moses appoints subordinate judges.
Ch. xix.-xx.: Israel's Call:
the promulgation of the Ten Commandments on Mount Sinai. In the third month the Israelites arrive in the desert of Sinai and encamp at the mountain. God announces to them through Moses that, having by His power liberated them, He will now constitute them His people, making them a nation of priests and a holy people. The Israelites accept this call with one accord, and after they have prepared themselves worthily, God, through Moses' mediation, and with thunder and lightning, clouds of smoke and noise of trumpets, reveals Himself to them on Mount Sinai and pronounces the ten fundamental commands of religion and morals, which are followed by a command regarding the altar.
Ch. xxi.-xxiv.: The Law and the Covenant.
The Ten Commandments, formally declaring the divine will regarding man's attitude to God and to all His creatures, are followed by enactments relating to civil law: (1) indemnifications for injuries done to, a fellow man; (2) duties toward persons who have no actual claims, though they are dependent on the good will of others. In conclusion there are the promise of the land of Canaan as the reward of obedience, and the warning against the pagan inhabitants. God then enters into a solemn covenant with the people, through Moses. He calls Moses up into the mountain to receive the stone tablets of the Law and further instructions.
Ch. xxv.-xxxi.: The Sanctuary and the Priests.
In order that God may dwell permanently among the Israelites, they are given instructions for erecting a sanctuary. The directions provide for: (1) a wooden ark, gilded inside andoutside, for the Tables of the Covenant, with a cover similarly gilded as "mercy seat" for the Divine Presence; (2) a gilt table for the so-called "shewbread" (); (3) a golden candlestick for a light never to be extinguished; (4) the dwelling, including the curtains for the roof, the walls made of boards resting on silver feet and held together by wooden bolts, the purple curtain veiling the Holy of Holies, the table and candlestick, and the outer curtain; (5) a sacrificial altar made of bronzed boards; (6) the outer court formed by pillars resting on bronze pedestals and connected by hooks and crossbars of silver, with embroidered curtains; (7) preparation of the oil for the candlestick. Then follow directions for the garments of the priests: (1) a shoulder-band (ephod) with two onyx stones, on each of which are engraved the names of six of the tribes of Israel, also golden chains for holding the breastplate ("hoshen") set with twelve precious stones, in four rows; (2) a robe for the ephod, with bells and pomegranates around the seam; (3) a golden miter plate with the inscription "Holiness to the Lord"; (4) a coat; (5) a miter; (6) a girdle. All these things are for Aaron. For his sons coats, bonnets, girdles, and linen breeches shall be made. Then follow directions for ordaining the priests, including robing, anointing (of Aaron), and a seven days' sacrifice; the institution of daily morning and evening offerings; directions for making a golden altar of incense, to be set up in front of the inner curtain, opposite the Ark of the Covenant, and on which an atonement shall be made once a year with the blood of the sin-offering; directions for a yearly tax of half a shekel to be paid by every Israelite enumerated in the census toward the expenses of this service; directions for making a laver and stand of brass, to be set up between the Tabernacle and the altar of sacrifice; the preparation of the holy oil for anointing and of the holy incense; appointment of the master workmen Bezaleel and Aboliab to direct the work; the observance of the Sabbaṭh.
The most striking point in this enumeration is the place given to the directions regarding the altar of incense, which, to agree with the arrangement as described in chaps. xxxv.-xl., should follow the directions for making the golden candlestick (xxv. 31-40). This has been a puzzle to the critics, who have made it the basis of the most far-reaching hypotheses. The passage was not only supposed to be a later interpolation, but it was assumed that originally there was no altar of incense, not even in Herod's temple! The riddle may be solved as follows: In xxxv.-xl. the articles are enumerated in the order in which they were set up, while here they are enumerated according to their uses. The golden altar of incense later stood in the Tabernacle, between the table and the candlestick, a fact leading to the assumption that, like them, it belonged to the Tabernacle. But as throughout ancient literature the offerings of sacrifice and incense are two independent coordinated acts of worship, so the altar of incense was, to all intents and purposes, an independent requisite of worship as important as the rest of the apparatus. For this reason everything that is necessary for the dwelling of God and the sacrifices that guarantee His presence is described first, and the altar of incense after (comp. especially Lev. xvi. 16-17: first, atonement for the Holy of Holies and the "tabernacle . . . that remaineth among them in the midst of their uncleannesses"; then, the cleansing and sanctifying of the altar of incense "from the uncleannesses of the children of Israel").
The sacrifice presumes God's presence, while it is the object of the incense to insure the continuation of His presence. The things, again, that must be repeatedly renewed are placed last, namely, the oil for lighting; the yearly tax; the laver with stand, consisting of mirrors, which were taken apart again after the laver had been used, and are, therefore, not enumerated in Num. iv. 14; the oil for anointing; and the incense. In conclusion, there are the directions for the workshop, the appointing of the master workman, and the arrangement of the work. These directions are admirably thought out, down to the smallest detail.
Ch. xxxii-xxxiv.: The Sin of the People with the Golden Calf.
While Moses is on the mountain the people become impatient and urge Aaron to make them a golden calf, which they worship with idolatrous joy. God informs Moses and threatens to abandon Israel. Moses at first intercedes for the people, but when he comes down and beholds their madness, he angrily breaks the two tablets containing the divine writing. After pronouncing judgment upon Aaron and the people he again ascends to God to implore forgiveness for them, as God is about to withdraw from them His blessed presence and to leave them unguided in the wilderness. Moses' intercession prevails. When he petitions God to tell him who will accompany them, what He intends to do, and how He will manifest His splendor, God commands him to make new tablets, and reveals Himself to Moses as a God of inexhaustible love and mercy. He assures Moses that in spite of their way wardness He will lead Israel into the Promised Land, giving Moses in token thereof new commandments applicable only to that land. He commands the Israelites not to have intercourse with the pagan natives, to refrain from all idolatry, and to appear before Him on the three pilgrimage festivals. Moses then returns to the people, who listen to him in respectful silence.
Ch. xxxv.-xl.: The Sanctuary and the Garments of the Priests
(almost in the same words as in ch. xxv.-xxxi.). Moses collects the congregation, enjoins upon them the keeping of the Sabbath, and requests gifts for the sanctuary. The entire people, men and women, high and low, respond willingly and quickly, and under the direction of the superintendent they make: (1) the dwelling, including the curtains, the walls, and the veil; (2) the Ark and cover; (3) the table; (4) the golden candlestick; (5) the golden altar of incense; (6) the altar of burnt offerings; (7) the laver; (8) the outer court. An estimate of the cost of the material follows. Next comes the preparation of the garments of the priests, including: (1) the ephod with the onyx stones, together with the breastplate and its twelve precious stones and its golden chains; (2) the robe of the ephod; (3) the coats for Aaron and his sons; (4) the miter and bonnets; (5) the breeches;(6) the girdle; (7) the golden plate of the crown. Moses inspects the work when completed and praises it, and the sanctuary is set up on the first of the second month.
In connection with this section (xxxv.-xl.) the questions arise: Why the lengthy repetition of ch. xxv.-xxxi, in ch. xxxv.-xl.? and Why the difference in the order in which the various objects are described? To the first question the answer is: When the people fell away and God renounced them, the tablets of the covenant seemed to have become useless, wherefore Moses broke them. But after the people had been forgiven new tablets were made and the promises relating to the country had to be repeated. Furthermore, the promise given by God that He will dwell among Israel, in a sanctuary erected by them and in which they will worship, must not be allowed to remain unfulfilled; and therefore the building of the sanctuary that had been planned is undertaken anew, but according to the original idea. Hence ch. xxxii.-xxxiv. belong necessarily between ch. xxv.-xxxi. and xxxv.-xl. To the second question the reply is, that in xxv.-xxxi., which contain the plan, the pieces are enumerated according to the uses to which they are put, while in xxxv.-xl. (as also in the working-plans given to the overseers in xxxi. 7 et seq.), which narrate the progress of the work, they are enumerated according to their arrangement.
Religion.
Exodus contains the most fundamental anct sublime revelations of God regarding His nature and will, and describes the beginnings of the theocratic constitution of the Israelitic people and the foundations of its ethics, law, customs, and worship. God, as revealed in Exodus, is not a new, hitherto unknown God: He is the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob—the Fathers of the people—who has protected them and has been worshiped by them (Ex. ii. 24; iii. 6, 13-18; iv. 5; vi. 3, 8; xv. 2; xxxii. 13). He Himself designates the name by which He is to be addressed: " [Yhwh], the God of your fathers, the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob" (iii. 15). The book, however, expressly purposes to reveal, or fully develop, for the first time certain aspects of the divine nature that have not hitherto been noted. When God appears to Moses in the flaming bush, and commissions him, to announce to the Israelites their impending liberation, Moses asks doubtingly (iii. 13): "Behold when I come unto the children of Israel, and shall say unto them, The God of your fathers hath sent me unto you; and they shall say to me, What is his name? what shall I say unto them?" Moses seeks to know, not the name of God, but what God's name, which he knows is full of significance, expresses in this particular case. Moses is well aware that the name "Yhwh" means "the Almighty," and that salvation rests with God; but in his anxiety, amounting indeed to a lack of faith, he wishes to know at once how God will save.
Revelations of God.
God, however, will not announce that now; merely comforting him by saying (iii. 14) ("I will be there [helping when necessary] in such a way as I may deem fit"; A. V. "I AM THAT I AM"). "I will prove myself as the Almighty, the unfailing savior." On this passage, if interpreted rightly, is based the passage vi. 2, where God encourages Moses—who is disappointed because reference to this name has availed him nothing—by saying "I am Yhwh! I have revealed myself as a faithful God ["El Shaddai"] to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, without their having known me according to my name Yhwh." And now God works His miracles, all with the express intention that the people may "know that I am Yhwh" (vi. 7; vii. 5, 17; viii. 6, 18; ix. 14, 25, 29; x. 2: xiv. 18; xvi. 12). Thus, God is, as His name Yhwh implies, the almighty Savior, subject only to His own will, independent, above nature and commanding it; the God of miracles; the helpful God, who uses His power for moral purposes in order to establish law and liberty in the world, by destroying the wicked and saving the oppressed (iii. 8; vi. 6; vii. 5; xv. 2, 3, 11), in whose hands are given judgment and salvation (iii., iv., vi. 1-8).
In ch. xxxii. et seq. is revealed another side of God's nature. Israel has merited His destructive anger because of its sin with the golden calf. But God not only refrains from destruction and from recalling His word regarding the promised land; He even listens to Moses' prayers to grant His presence anew to the people. When Moses again asks, "Show me thy glory," God answers, "I will make all my goodness pass before thee, and I will proclaim the name of Yhwh before thee, and will be gracious unto whom I will be gracious, and will show mercy unto whom I will show mercy" (xxxiii. 18-19). And again, "Thou canst not see my face: for man shall not see me and live; . . . thou shalt see my back; but my face shall not be seen" (ib. 20, 23, R. V.). When God appears to Moses He reveals Himself as "Yhwh, Yhwh God, merciful and gracious, long-suffering, and abundant in goodness and truth. Keeping mercy for thousands, forgiving iniquity and transgression and sin, and that will by no means clear the guilty; visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children, and upon the children's children, unto the third and to the fourth generation" (xxxiv. 6-7). In these words God has revealed Himself as a being full of holy zeal against wickedness—a zeal, however, which is counteracted by the immeasurably greater power of His love, mercy, and forgiveness, for these are inexhaustible. But even this does not constitute His entire nature, which in its full depth and clarity is beyond the comprehension of man.
These two revelations contain the highest and most blessed insight into the nature of God ever attained; and around them may be grouped the other statements regarding God which the book of Exodus contains.
God the Absolutely Exalted One.
God is the absolutely Exalted One, who can not be compared with any other gods; even the Midianite Jethro admits that Yhwh is greater than all gods (xv. 1, 11; xviii. 11). The whole world belongs to God: He has created heaven and earth and all that is therein; He rules forever; He performs marvels; nothing like Him has ever been; hence He is an object of veneration (xv. 11, 18; xix. 5; xx. 11; xxxiv. 10). He givesspeech to man, or leaves him deaf and dumb; gives him sight, or makes him blind (iv. 11). He has power over men's hearts, either encouraging them to do good (iii. 21, xi. 3, xii. 36), or, having larger ends in view, not preventing them from doing evil ("hardening the heart," iv. 21; vii. 3; x. 1, 20; xiv. 4, 17). God is omniscient: He knows the distant, the future, what man may be expected to do according to his nature (vi. 4-13, 29; viii. 11, 15; ix. 12, 35; xxiv. 20; xxxiv. 10-12). From God proceed artistic inspiration, wisdom, insight, knowledge, and skill (xxxi. 3; xxxv. 31, 34; xxxvi. 1, 2).
God is Providence (ii. 25); He rewards good deeds, be they done from fear of or love for Him (i. 21, xx. 6). He is not indifferent to human misery; He sees and hears and intervenes at the right moment (iii. 7; iv. 31; vi. 5; xxii. 22, 26); He makes promises which He fulfils (ii. 24, iii. 16, iv. 31, vi. 5, xxxii. 13). God is jealous and leaves nothing unpunished (xx. 7, xxxiv. 7); but He always punishes the sinner Himself, admitting no vicarious death, even if it is offered (xxxii. 33). His great moral indignation ("anger") against sin would be destructive (xxxii. 10, 33) were not His forgiving love still greater (xx. 5, xxxii. 14, xxxiii. 19). He is gracious and full of mercy (xv. 13, xxxiv. 6). His presence means grace; it sanctifies; for He Himself "is glorious in holiness" (xv. 11, xxix. 43).
Man can not perceive God in His entire nature; he may only look after God when He has passed by and imagine Him (Dillmann to Ex. xxxiii. 22).
Yet God reveals Himself to man; i.e., He informs man visibly and audibly of His presence and will. God, who has already appeared to the Fathers, appears in the flaming bush, in the pillar of cloud and of fire on the march, in the clouds in which He came down on Sinai, in the fire on the mountain, in the cloud in the desert, in the pillar of cloud on Moses' tent, in the cloud from which He calls out to Moses His attributes of grace, in the cloud and the fire that serve as signals to the Israelites to start or to encamp (vi. 3; xiii. 21; xiv. 19; xix. 11; xx.; xxiv. 15, 17; xxxiii. 9; xxxiv. 5; xl. 34-36). This divine appearance is called God's message (xiv. 19; xxiii. 20, 23; xxxii. 34; xxxiii. 2) or His glory (xvi. 7, 10; xxiv. 16-17; xxxiii. 22; xl. 34).
God appears in order to make Himself known, to give commands, and to impart reverence leading to obedience (xvi. 10, xix. 9, xx. 20). God speaks chiefly with Moses; He puts the words in Moses' mouth, and tells him what to say; He talks with him face to face, as a man with his neighbor, and gives him a staff as a token of his office (iii. 15; iv. 17; vii. 2, 17, 20; ix. 23; x. 13; xxxiii. 11). But God also speaks from heaven to the entire people (xx. 22), and orders for Himself a permanent dwelling-place among them in the tabernacle set up according to His directions (xx. 22, xxv. 8, xxix. 45); He descends thither in order to talk with Moses, His especial place being the cover of the Ark of the Covenant, between the two cherubim (xxv. 22, xxix. 43, xxx. 6).
Israel.
God has made a covenant with the Fathers of the people, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, that He will multiply them as the stars of heaven; that He will remember them, save them, and give to them and their descendants the land of Canaan—a land "flowing with milk and honey," and that, shall reach "from the Red Sea even unto the sea of the Philistines, and from the desert unto the river" (ii. 24; iii. 8, 17; vi. 4-8; xiii. 5; xxiii. 31; xxxii. 13; xxxiii. 3). God remembers this covenant and keeps it despite everything, as is exemplified in the deliverance of Israel and the destruction of Pharaoh (i. 7, 12; iii. 7; vi. 1; xxiii. 20); He does not forget it, in spite of the dejection and the murmurings of the people (vi. 9; xiv. 10; xv. 24; xvi. 2, 27; xvii. 3), their worship of the golden calf and their obstinacy (xxxii. 9; xxxiii. 3, 5; xxxiv. 9). He leads, fights for, heals, and educates Israel and destroys Israel's enemies (xiii. 17; xiv. 14, 25; xv. 3, 26; xvi. 4; xx. 20; xxiii. 22, 23, 27; xxxiii. 2, xxxiv. 11, 24). The Israelites are God's people, His host, His first-born son (vi. 7, vii. 4, xii. 41, xv. 16, xxxii. 11 et seq.; xxxiii. 13, 16). Yhwh will be Israel's God (vi. 7, xxix. 5). Israel is His property ("segullah"). Above all people Israel shall be His people, "a kingdom of priests, and a holy nation," if Israel will listen to God's voice and keep His covenant (xix. 5, 6). Therefore He gives to the Israelites commandments, descends to them in His glory, holds them worthy of renewed revelations, and orders divine service (xxiv. 8, xxxiv. 27).
The Moral Law.
In Exodus are found for the first time the preeminent characteristics of the Israelitic law: its origin in and pragmatic connection with history. An account is given of the laws in connection with the events that called them forth. Thus, on the one hand, history explains and justifies the Law, while on the other the Law keeps alive and commemorates the events and teachings of history. As furthermore God is the subject of history as well as the lawgiver, Israel's religion assumes here the fundamental characteristic that determines its entire future development: it is a law founded on God as revealed in history. The basis is the Decalogue, the Ten Commandments (Ex. xx. 1-17), in which all duties are designated as duties toward the God who liberated Israel from the slavery of Egypt. Israel must not recognize any other God; idolatry and the making and worshiping of images are forbidden (xx. 2-5, 23; xxiii. 13, 24, 33; xxxii.; xxxiv. 12-14, 17); Israel shall beware of seductive intercourse with the idolatrous Canaanites; sacrificing to idols, and magic, are punishable by death. Nor may the name of the true God be applied to vain idols (this is the only correct explanation of xx. 7). God is recognized as Creator of the world by the sanctification of the Sabbath, on which man and beast shall rest from all labors (xvi. 23 et seq., xx. 7 et seq., xxiii. 12, xxxi. 12-17, xxxv. 1-3), and also by the observance of the Sabbatical year (xxiii. 10). He is recognized as Israel's savior from Egyptian oppression by the celebration of the Passover (see below).
"Honor thy father and thy mother: that thy days may be long upon the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee" (xx. 12, fifth commandment). He who strikes or insults his father or mother is punished by death (xxi. 15, 17). Honor must also be accorded to those in authority (xxii. 27 [A. V. 28])."Thou shalt not kill" (xx. 13). Murder is punishable by death (xxi. 12); there is no place of refuge for the murderer, as there is for the accidental homicide, even at the altar (xxi. 13-14). For bodily injuries there is a fine (xxi. 18-19, 22-25, 28-31).
"Thou shalt not commit adultery" (xx. 14). Lechery and intercourse with animals are punishable by death (xxii. 17); the seducer of a virgin must either marry her or compensate her father (xxii. 15 et seq.). "Thou shalt not steal" (xx. 15). Kidnaping is punishable by death (xxi. 16). Killing of a burglar is justifiable. Whoever steals cattle, slaughtering and selling it, has to pay four or five times its value; if it is found alive, double; if the thief is unable to pay he is sold into slavery (xxi. 37, xxii. 3). Property injured or destroyed must be made good (xxi. 33-36, xxii. 4-14).
"Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbor" (xx. 16). Justice, veracity, impartiality, honesty in court, are enjoined (xxiii. 1, 2, 6-8). An oath is demanded where there is suspicion of a default (xxii. 7 et seq.).
"Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's house, thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's wife, nor his manservant, nor his maidservant, nor his ox, nor his ass, nor anything that is thy neighbor's (xx. 17).
The duties to one's neighbor include both kindly deeds and kindly thoughts. The poor man must be cared for: justice shall be done to him; loans shall be made to him; and he shall not be pressed for payment, nor shall the necessaries of life be taken in pawn (xxii. 24 et seq.). Widows and orphans shall not be oppressed; for God is their advocate (xxii. 21). Strangers shall not be injured or oppressed; "for ye were strangers in the land of Egypt" (xxii. 20, xxiii. 9); they also shall rest on the Sabbath (xx. 10). A Hebrew bond-servant shall not serve longer than six years, unless he himself chooses to remain. He may not earn any wages for himself while serving. The master of a girl that has been sold into servitude shall marry her or give her a dower. Servants are to be set free on receiving bodily injuries; and death caused by an animal is requited (xxi. 1-11, 20, 21, 26, 27, 32). Servants also shall rest on the Sabbath (xx. 10, xxiii. 12). Animals shall be treated gently (xxiii. 4, 5, 19), and be allowed to rest on the Sabbath (xx. 10; xxiii. 12). Consideration for an enemy is enjoined (xxiii. 4, 5). To do these commandments is to obey God (xv. 26, xvi. 28, xx. 6, xxiii, 13). Israel shall trust in Him (iii.-vi., xiv. 31, xvi., xvii. 7, xix. 9); and in a significant passage (xx. 6) the love for God is accentuated.
Cult.
In Exodus the beginnings of the national cult are seen. It is strictly forbidden to make or worship idols (xx. 3, 23; xxiii. 24; xxxii.; xxxiv. 13, 17). The symbol of the Divine Presence is the Tabernacle built according to God's directions, more especially the cover of the Ark of the Covenant and the space between the cherubim thereon (see Tabernacle). Worship by specially sanctified priests shall be observed in this sanctuary (see Leviticus). The festivals include the Sabbath, for which no ritual is mentioned, and three "pilgrimage festivals," at which all males are to appear before God (xxiii. 14-17, xxxiv. 18-23).
The Passover is discussed in detail, a large part of the book being devoted to its institution (xii. 1-28, 43-50; xiii. 1-16; xxiii. 15; xxxiv. 18-20); and its historical origin is to be brought home to all future generations (xii. 2, 14, 17, 24-27, 42; xiii. 5-10, 16; see Mazzah; Pesah; Seder). Toward evening of the 14th day of the first month a yearling male lamb or kid without blemish shall be slaughtered, roasted by the fire, and eaten at the family dinner, together with unleavened bread and bitter herbs. It must be roasted whole, with the legs and entrails, and no bones must be broken; none of the meat must be carried from the house, but whatever remains until morning must be burned. In connection with this there is a seven days' festival (), the Feast of Mazzot (unleavened bread). This bread shall be eaten for seven days, from the 14th to the 21st of the first month (the month of Abib, in which Israel went out from Egypt; xxiii. 15, xxxiv. 18). It is strictly forbidden to partake of anything leavened; it must be removed from the house on the first day. The first and the seventh day are strictly days of rest, on which only necessary food may be prepared. The sanctification of the firstlings that belong to God is also connected with the Passover. The first-born child, and that of the ass, which can not be sacrificed, must be redeemed by a lamb (xiii. 1 et seq., xxii. 28, xxxiv. 19 et seq.). Other festivals are (1) the cutting of the first-fruits of the harvest ("hag ha-kazir") or the Feast of Weeks ("hag Shabu'ot"), and (2) the harvest-home ("hag ha-Asif") at the end of the year, after the harvest has been gathered in (xxiii. 16, xxxiv. 22). At these festivals the people must not appear empty-handed before God; they must not mix the blood of the Passover sacrifice with leavened bread, nor leave the sacrifice until the morning; they must take the firstlings of the field into the house of God, and must not seethe the kid in its mother's milk (xxiii. 18, 19; xxxiv. 25, 26). The tithes from the barn and the vineyard must not be delayed. Animals torn in the field ("ṭerefah") must not be eaten, but must be thrown to the dogs, for "ye shall be holy men" (xxii. 28-30; A. V. 29-31).E. G. H. B. J.
—Critical View I.:
The Book of Exodus, like the other books of the Hexateuch, is of composite origin, being compiled of documents originally distinct, which have been excerpted and combined by a redactor (see Pentateuch). The two main sources used in Exodus are the one now generally known as "JE," the chief component parts of which date probably from the seventh or eighth century B.C., and the one denoted by "P," which is generally considered to have been written during or shortly after the Babylonian captivity. The former of these sources is in tone and character akin to the writings of the great prophets; the latter is evidently the work of a priest, whose chief interest it was to trace to their origin, and describe with all needful particularity, the ceremonial institutions of his people. It is impossible, within the limits of the present article, to state the details of the analysis, at least in what relates to the line of demarcation between J and E, or to discuss the difficult problems which arise inconnection with the account of the legislation contained in JE (xix.-xxiv. and xxxii.-xxxiv.); but the broad and important line of demarcation between P and JE may be indicated, and the leading characteristics of the principal sources may be briefly outlined.
The parts of Exodus which belong to P are: i. 1-5, 7, 13-14, ii. 23b-25 (the oppression); vi. 2-vii. 13 (commission of Moses, with genealogy, vi. 14-27); vii. 19-20a, 21b-22, viii. 1-3, 11b-15 (A.V. 5-7, 15b-19), ix. 8-12, xi. 9-10 (the plagues); xii. 1-20, 28, 37a, 40, 41, 43-51, xiii. 1-2, 20 (Passover, mazzot, dedication of first-born); xiv. 1-4, 8-9, 15-18, 21a, c, 22-23, 26-27a, 28a-29 (passage of Red Sea); xvi. 1-3, 6-24, 31-36 (the manna); xvii. 1a, xix. 1-2a (journey to Sinai); xxiv. 15-18a, xxv. 1-xxxi. 18a (instructions respecting the Tabernacle); xxxiv. 29-35, xxxv.-xl. (the construction and erection of the Tabernacle). The rest of the book consists of J and E, which (before they were combined with P) were united into a whole by a redactor, and at the same time, it seems, expanded in parts (especially in the legal portions) by hortatory or didactic additions, approximating in style to Deuteronomy.
Characteristics of JE.
In JE's narrative, particularly in the parts belonging to J, the style is graphic and picturesque, the descriptions are vivid and abound in detail and colloquy, and both emotion and religious feeling are warmly and sympathetically expressed. As between J and E, there are sometimes differences in the representation. In the account of the plagues, for instance, the Israelites are represented by J as living apart in Goshen (viii. 18 [A. V. 22], ix. 26; compare Gen. xlv. 10, xlvi. 28, etc.; also J); and the plagues are sent by Yhwh at a specified time announced beforehand to Pharaoh by Moses. In E the Israelites are represented, not as occupying a district apart, but as living side by side with the Egyptians (iii. 22, xi. 2, xii. 85 et seq.); and the plague is brought to pass on the spot by Moses with his rod (vii. 20b; ix. 23; x. 12, 13a; compare iv. 2, 17, 20b; xvii, 5; also E) or his hand (x. 22). An interesting chapter belonging to E is xviii., which presents a picture of Moses legislating. Disputes arise among the people; they are brought before Moses for settlement; and his decisions are termed "the statutes and directions ["torot"] of God." It was the office of the priests afterward to give direction () upon cases submitted to them, in matters both of civil right (Deut. xvii. 17) and of ceremonial observance (ib. xxiv. 8; Hag. ii. 11-13); and it is difficult not to think that in Exodus xviii. there is a genuine historical tradition of the manner in which the nucleus of Hebrew law was created by Moses himself.
JE's account of the Sinaitic legislation is contained in xix. 3-xxiv. 14, 18b; xxxi. 18b-xxxiv. 28. This narrative, when examined attentively, discloses manifest marks of composite structure. The greater part of it belongs tolerably clearly to E, viz.: xix. 3-19; xx.-xxiii. 33 (expanded in parts by the compiler); xxiv. 3-8, 12-14, 18b; xxxi. 18b; xxxii. 1-8 (9-14, probably compiler), 15-35; xxxiii. 5-11. To J belong xix. 20-25, xxiv. 1-2, 9-11 (fragments of an account of the theophany on Sinai); and xxxiii. 1-4, xxxiii. 12-xxxiv. 28 appear also to be based upon J, but amplified by the compiler. A particularly noticeable passage in E's narrative is xxxiii. 7-11, which preserves the oldest representation of the "Tent of Meeting"; it was outside the camp (compare Num. xi. 16, 17, 24-30; xii. 4; also E; and contrast the representation of P in Num. ii. et seq.); the youthful Joshua was its keeper; and Moses from time to time repaired to it for the purpose of communing with Yhwh. Evidently the Tent of Meeting, as pictured by E, was a much simpler structure than it is in the representation of P (xxvi.-xxxi., etc.), just as the altar (xx. 24-26), feasts, etc. (xxiii. 10-19), presented by E, reflect the usage of a simpler, more primitive age than do the corresponding regulations in P.
The laws of JE are contained in xii. 21 27 (Passover); xiii. 3-16 (mazzot and consecration of first-born); xx. 1-17 (the Decalogue); xx. 22-xxiii. 33 (the "Book of the Covenant"; see xxiv. 7); and the repetition (with slight verbal differences, and the addition in xxxiv. 12-17 of more specific warnings against idolatry) of xiii. 12-13, and of the theocratic section of the Book of the Covenant (xxiii. 10-19) in xxxiv. 10-26 (sometimes called the "Little Book of the Covenant"). The Decalogue and the Book of the Covenant both belong in particular to E.
These laws have in many places had parenetic additions made to them by the compiler (e.g., much of xiii. 3-16; the explanatory comments in xx. 4-6, 9-11, 12b, 17; xxii. 21b, 22; xxiii. 23-25a). The laws in xxxiv. 10-26 are introduced ostensibly as embodying the conditions for the renewal of the Covenant after it had been broken by the sin of the golden calf; but it is generally supposed that originally they formed a separate collection, which was introduced independently, in slightly different recensions, into E in xxiii. 10-19, and into J here, and which probably, when J was complete, stood as part of J's direct sequel to xxiv. 1-2, 9-11. Further, although by the author of xxxiv. 1-28 in its present form (see verse 1b), the "ten commandments" (Hebr. "ten words") of verse 28b are evidently intended to be the Decalogue of xx. 1-17, yet the natural subject of "And he wrote" in verse 28 is "Moses" (compare verse 27); hence it is also inferred by many critics that, in the original context of verse 28, the "ten words" were the preceding group of laws (verses 10-26), which, though now expanded by the compiler, would in that case have comprised originally ten particular injunctions (the "ritual Decalogue" of J, as opposed to the "moral Decalogue" of E in xx. 1-17). Whatever the true explanation of the double appearance of this little group of laws may be, it is in any case the earliest existing formulation of what were regarded at the time as the essential ritual observances of the religion of Yhwh.
Characteristics of P.
The literary and other characteristics of P are, mutatis mutandis, the same in Exodus as in other parts of the Hexateuch. The same or similar stereotyped formulas appear; and (as a reference to the synopsis above will show) there is the same disposition to reduce the account of ordinary events to a bare summary, but to enlarge upon everything connected with ceremonial institutions. In i.-xi. the narrative of P runs parallel to that of JE; and the compiler has sometimes preserved divergent versions of the same events. Thus, if vi. 2-vii. 13 be compared carefully with iii. 1-vi. 1, it will be seen not to describe the sequel of it, but to contain a parallel and partly divergent account of the commission of Moses and of the preliminary steps taken by him to secure the release of the people. In the narrative of the plagues there aresystematic differences between P and JE: thus in P Aaron cooperates with Moses; no demand for Israel's release is ever made upon Pharaoh, the plagues being viewed rather merely as signs or proofs of power; the description is brief; the success or failure of the Egyptian magicians (who are mentioned only in this narrative) is noted, and the hardening of Pharaoh's heart is expressed by the verb "hhazak," "hizzak" (this verb is used also by E; but J has regularly "kabed," "hikbid"), In xii.-xiii. the double strand is particularly evident: Passover, mazzot, narrative, and the dedication of the first-born are all in duplicate (in P, xii. 1-13 [43-50 supplementary], 14-20, 28, 37a, 40-41, 51; xiii. 1-2: in JE, xii, 21-27 (which careful comparison will show to be not really the sequel of xii. 1-13), 29-36, 37b-39, 42a; xiii. 3-10, 11-16).
The most characteristic part of P is, however, the account of the instructions given to Moses on the Mount (xxiv. 15-18a) for the construction of the Tabernacle and the appointment of a priesthood (xxv.-xxxi.). These instructions fall into two parts: (1) xxv.-xxix.; (2) xxx.-xxxi. In xxv.-xxix. the following subjects are dealt with: the Ark, table of show-bread, and candlestick (xxv.); the Tabernacle ("mishkan"), its curtains, boards, and veil (xxvi.); the altar of burnt offering, and the court (xxvii.); the dress of the priests (xxviii.); the ritual for their consecration, and for the daily burnt offering, which it is a primary duty of the priesthood to maintain (xxix. 1-42); and finally what is apparently the formal close of the entire body of instructions, Yhwh's promise to take up His abode in the sanctuary thus established (xxix. 43-46). Chapters xxx.-xxxi. contain directions respecting the altar of incense, the maintenance of public worship, the brazen laver, the anointing-oil, the incense (xxx.); the nomination of Bezaleel and Aholiab, and the observance of the Sabbath (xxxi.). While now it is not doubted that xxv.-xxix., with unimportant exceptions, form part of the original legislation of P, it is generally held by critics that xxx.-xxxi. belong to a secondary and posterior stratum of it, reflecting a later stage of ceremonial usage. The chief reason for this conclusion is the manner in which the altar of incense is introduced (xxxi. 1-10). If such an altar had been contemplated by the author of xxv.-xxix., he must, it is argued, have introduced it in xxv., together with the other furniture of the Holy Place, and also mentioned it in xxvi. 33-35; moreover, he would naturally, in such a case, have distinguished the altar described in xxvii. 1-8 from the altar of incense, and not have spoken of it simply as thealtar.
This conclusion respecting the secondary character of the altar of incense appears to be confirmed by the fact that in the other laws of P there is a stratum in which such an altar is not recognized (for instance, Lev, xvi.). There are also other indications tending to show that xxx.-xxxi. belong to a posterior stratum of P, as compared with xxv.-xxix. Chapters xxxv-xl. describe, largely in the same words as xxv.-xxxi. (the tenses alone being altered), but with several differences of order, how the instructions given there to Moses were carried out. In these chapters the altar of incense and the brazen laver (xxx. 17-21) are introduced in the places which they would naturally be expected to occupy, namely, in the descriptions of the Holy Place and the court respectively (xxxvii. 25-28, xxxviii. 8). It follows that if xxx.-xxxi. belong to a secondary stratum of P, the same must be true of xxxv.-xl. The later origin of xxxv.-xl. seems to be further supported by the fact that the Septuagint version of these chapters is not by the same hand as the rest of the book; so that presumably they were not in the manuscript used by the original translators. The chapters, if this view is correct, have taken the place of a much briefer account of the manner in which the construction of the Tabernacle was carried out.
P's Representation of the Tabernacle Unhistorical.
P's representation of the Tabernacle and its appointments can not be historical. The lsraelites in the wilderness had undoubtedly an "ohel mo'ed"; but it was the simple "ohel mo'ed" of E (Ex. xxxiii. 7-11; Num. xi., xii.), not the costly and elaborate structure described by P. P's representation is the embodiment of an ideal; it is a "product of religious idealism," constructing for the Mosaic age, upon the basis of traditions or reminiscences of the Temple of Solomon, a shrine such as might be adequate to Yhwh's majesty, and worthily symbolize His presence in the midst of His people (compare Ottley, "Aspects of the O. T." p. 226).
Bibliography: The introductions to the O. T. by Kuenen, Driver, Holzinger, König, Cornill, Baudissin;
the commentaries of Dillmann, Baentsch (1900), Holzinger (1900), and A. R. S. Kennedy (forthcoming);
C. A. Briggs, The Higher Criticism of the Hexateuch, 1897;
Carpenter and Harford-Battersby, The Hexateuch, Oxford, 1900, especially ii. 79-143 (text of Exodus, with the sources distinguished typographically, and full critical notes);
G. F. Moore, Exodus, in Cheyne and Black, Encyc. Bibl. ii. (where further literature is referred to).E. G. H. S. R. D.
—Critical View II.:
The critical problems and hypotheses that Exodus shares with the other books, such as the historical value of the accounts; authorship; relation to the later books; age, origin, and character of the alleged sources, can not be discussed here now; the analysis of sources of Exodus can alone be treated. According to the critics of the Pentateuch, Exodus, like all the other books of the Torah, possesses no unity, having been compiled from different sources at different times, the various parts being then revised finally by one redactor (R); the same sources as those for Genesis furnish the material, namely, J (Jahvist), E (Elohist), and P (Priestly Code), in which again several strata must be distinguished, as P2, P3, P4, J1, J2, E1, E2, etc. It is not necessary to refer to all the suggestions that have been made; the analyses of sources by Kuenen and Cornill are chiefly treated here (Kuenen: Introduction; § 5; § 6, 2-15; § 8, 10-13; § 13, 12 et seq.; § 16, 12; Cornill: Introduction; § 7; § 11, 4; § 12; § 13, 2, 8; § 14, 1, 2, 3.
To P2 is assigned, according to Kuenen: i. 1-7, 13, 14; ii. 23-25; vi. 2-12 (13-28 interrupt the course of the story and are by a later reviser; they are, according to Wellhausen, unskilfully inserted and amplified); vii. 1-13, 19, 20a (21c ?), 22; viii. 1-3, 11b, 12-15; ix. 8-12 (35 ?); xi. 9-10; xii. 1-20, 28, 40revision , 41revision, 43-51 (xiii. 20 ?); xiv. 1-4, 8, 9, 10 (inpart), 15-18, 21 (in part), 22, 23, 26, 27 (in part), 28, 29; xvi. ("this chapter has been subsequently revised and completed") (xvii. 1; xix. 2a ?); xxiv. 15-18a; xxv.-xxix. "follow in natural and regular order, and may have been arranged in this way by the author himself," but (§ 16, 12) contain many interpolations by R.
Ch. xxx., xxxi. 1-17, in which "the connection is looser, or is wanting altogether; and in which there are contained regulations that do not harmonize with what has preceded, and that are not presupposed later where they would naturally be mentioned . . . probably contain later additions, harmonizing in style with xxiv.-xxix., but not composed by the same author." To P4 are assigned ch. xxxv.-xl. (and also Lev. viii.), which "depend entirely on xxv.-xxxi., which the author must have had before him." They formed "originally a very brief account of the observance of the regulations laid down in xxv. et seq.; they seem to have been gradually worked out, and then made as similar to those regulations as possible. The striking variations found in the Greek translation of xxxv.-xl. lead to the assumption that the final redaction of these chapters was hardly completed—if indeed it was completed—when that translation was made, i.e., about 250 B.C." This entire theory regarding xxv.-xxxi., xxxv.-xl. is based on Popper's work, which the other critics also follow.
Cornill, who includes the later parts of P2 under the general designation Px, assigns to the Priestly Code the following portions: i. 1-5, 7revision , 13, 14 revision ; ii. 23revision, 24-25; vi. essentially (13-30 = Px): vii. 1-13, 19, 20a revision, 21b-22; viii. 1-3, 11a, b-15; ix. 8-12; xi. 9-10; xii. 1-20, 28, 37 revision, 40-41, 43-51 (15-20 and 43-50 = Px); xiii. 1-2; xiv. 1-4, 8, 9b, 10a, b, 15 revision, 16-18, 21-23essentially, 26-28aa, 28 revision, 29; xvi. 1-3, 6-7, 9-18 revision, 20, 22a, b-24, 32-35a; xvii. 1a; xix. 1 revision, 2a; xxiv. 15-18aa; xxv. 1-xxxi. 18a (xxviii. 41 belongs surely to Px, as do perhaps also other shorter additions to xxv.-xxix.; and xxx.-xxxi. entire); xxxiv. 29-35 (?); xxxv.-xl. (entirely Px).
It is much more difficult in what remains to distinguish between the closely related J and E. Passages relatively complete in themselves are: (1) ch. xxi.-xxiii., the so-called "Book of the Covenant"; it belongs to E, though dating from an earlier time, and was found by him and incorporated in his work; (2) the story of the golden calf (xxxii.-xxxiv.), J and E sharing about equally in the account; (3) the Decalogue and the preparations for it (xix., xx.), chiefly E, but J also has a Decalogue tradition, its Ten Commandments being found in xxxiv. 14-26 (Wellhausen). E1, originally composed in the Northern Kingdom, must be distinguished from E2; the latter was compiled about 100 years later for Judah, and was worked over with J to form JE, many passages of which can no longer be analyzed.
E: Kuenen: Traces of E are found in i. (15-21, and apparently also 8-12, "is generally included in E"); in ii. "there is great difference of opinion" on the origin of verses 1-23 (according to Jülicher verses 1-22 are taken from E; according to Dillmann 1-14 from E and 15-23a from J. Wellhausen takes the story on the whole to be a combination from J and E.) This document appears especially clear, though not without admixture, in iii. 1-15, a section that, as complement to vi. 2 et seq. (P), also explains the use of "Elohim" in the account of the pre-Mosaic time taken from E. In the following "the traces are only with difficulty distinguished: in iii. 16-xii. only here and there with any certainty." (Dillmann includes in E: the greater part of iii. 16-22; iv. 17, 20b, 18, 21; the greater part of v.; vii. 15, 16, 17b, 20b, 21a, 23 in part, 24; viii. 16a, 21-24a, 25b; ix. 22, 23a, 24a, 25b (?), 31, 32, 35; x. 8-13a, 14 in part, 15 in part, 20, 21-27; xi. 1-3; xii. 31-33, 37b, 38. Jülicher includes: iv. 17, 18, 20b: v. 1, 2, 5; vii. 17 in part, 18, 20 in part, and 21, 24, 25a; viii. 21b, 22, 23; ix. 22, 23a, 24 and 28 in part, 35; x. 7, 8-11, 12, 13a, 14a, 15a, 20, 21-27, 28, 29; xi. 1-7; xii. 32, 35-38.) E is found again in: xiii. 17-19, 21, 22; xiv. 19a (19b ?); xv. 22-26; xvii. 1b-7, 8-16; xviii. Also xix. 9a, 10-17; xx. 18-21, 1-17 (in this order); this—the so-called "first"—the Decalogue, with the historical matter connected with it in xix.-xxiv., belongs to E2. From the Book of the Covenant xxiv. 1, 2, 9-14, 18a, and various other passages, belong to E, as does also the story of Israel's apostasy at Sinai, which appears enlarged and connected with other stories in xxxii.-xxxiv., belonging originally to E2.
Cornill: i. 11-12, 15-22 essentially; ii. 1-10 essentially; iii. 1-15essentially, 21-22; iv. 17, 18, 20b; vii. 15b, 17b-18, 20b-21a, 24; ix. 22-23a, 24brevision, 25b, 31-32, 35; x. 12-13aa, 14aa, b, 15b, 20-23, 25 (?); xi. 1-3; xii. 35-36, 37revision; xiii. 17-19; xiv. 7-9a,β, 10a, β, 19a, 20 (?); xv. 20-26essentially; xvii-xxiv.essentially; xxxi. 18b; xxxii.essentially; xxxiii. 1-11revision; xxxiv. 1a,4 revision, 28b revision (?). In xix.-xxxiv. only xix. 13b (perhaps); xxiv. 1-2, 9-11; and xxxiii. 7-10 belong to E1.
J, according to Kuenen, is represented in i.-xv. by accounts parallel with those of E, but which can not now be distinguished; "but it is doubtful whether J contributed anything to the account of the laws promulgated at Mount Sinai and of the defection of Israel, xix.-xxiv. and xxxii.-xxxiv." (Wellhausen finds J in: xix. 20-25; xx. 23-26; xxi.-xxiii.; xxiv. 3-8; Dillmann, in: xix. 9a, 20-25 [xx. 1-17, perhaps under a different form]; xxiv. 1, 2; xxxiv. 10-27; fragments in xxiv. 3-8, 9-11, 12 in part, 18b; xxxii. 1-14, 19b-24, 30-34; also in xxxiii. 1-6, 12, 13, 18-23; xxxiii. 14-17; xxxiv. 1-9.)
Cornill: i. 6, 7a,b, 8-10, 14a,β, 20b, 22 (?); ii. 11-23aa; iii. 16-20; iv. 1-12, 19, 20a, 24-26, 29revision, 30revision, 31; v.essentially; vi. 1; vii. 14-15a, 16-17a, 23, 25, 29; viii. 4revision, 5-7, 8revision, 9-11aa, 16-20, 21 revision, 22-28; ix. 1-7, 13-21, 23b, 24 revision, 25a, 26, 27 revision, 28-30, 33; x.essentially; xi. 4-8; xii. 21-27essentially, 29-39essentially, 42a; xiii. 3-16essentially, 21-22; xiv. 5-6, 9aa, 10ba, 11-14, 19b, 21a,β, 24-25, 27 revision, 28b, 30-31; xvi. 4-5, 16a,β, 18b, 21-22aa; 25-31essentially, 35b; xvii. 1a,b, 2, 7; xix. 2b, 7, 9-11, 18, 20-21, 22b, 25a; xxxiii. 12-23essentially (?); xxxiv. 1a revision, 2-3, 4 revision, 5, 6a, 8, 10-28essentially.
Redaction.
Editions (according to Cornill): In the first place J and E were combined into one book (JE) by one redactor (RJE). He greatly revised iii., and may have added the marching song xv. 1-19 ("it is entirely improbable that it was composed at the time the event itself took place"). He also did much editing of the pericope dealing with the legislation (xix.-xxxiv.). He used E2 throughout as foundation, supplementing it with J; he omitted entirely the second Decalogue in J, incorporating what he thought valuable in the Book of the Covenant, xxiii. 15-19, and reduced xxxii.-xxxiii., on the whole, to its present form. A second redactor then combined (the later) Deuteronomy with JE ( = JE + D). He added iv. 21-23; in the story of the Egyptian plagues (x. 2) "there is at least a Deuteronomistic, touch"; he also added viii. 18b and ix. 29b, and probably revised ix. 14-16. He greatly revised xii. 21-27, xiii. 3-16, xv. 26, xvi., and xviii. 20b. He transferred, according to Kuenen, the Book of the Covenant to Mount Sinai in order to get room for Deuteronomy, being responsible, therefore, for all the confusion caused thereby—for example, the transferring of xx. 18-21 from its original position before, to its present position after, xx. 1-17; the transition to the Book of the Covenant as found in xx. 22, 23; and the peculiar form of xxiv. 1-15a. Ch. xix. 3b-8 is also specifically Deuteronomic, as well as the revisions of the Book of the Covenant with the final admonitions in xxiii. 22b-25a, 27, 31b-33, and the revision of the second Decalogue, which RJE transferred to the Book of the Covenant.
A third redactor, who combined JED with P, thus practically producing the Pentateuch (RP), added iv. 13-16 and 27-28, revised 29-30, and in v.-x. added everywhere the name of Aaron (which was not includedat all originally!). He or Px (see ante) added vi. 13-30. It is more difficult to ascertain the method of his revision of xii. 40-42. To xvi. he transferred (in consideration of JE) a passage by P on the manna, which originally was placed after the revelation on Sinai (the reason assigned for this assumption on the part of the critics is that verse 34 presupposes the Tabernacle; but this verse is as much merely an anticipatory comment as is 35). He added to xvii. the fragment of the Jahvistic miraculous story of the spring in order to make room for P in Num. xx. He added finally the repeated phrase "the tables of testimony," xxxi. 18, xxxiv. 29, and in xxxiii. he omitted the Elohistic account of the making of the Ark of the Covenant. It is often doubtful whether a revision was made by RP or by P3, 4, 5—RP is himself a priestly redactor.
Errors of Critical School.
All these and similar analyses of the sources of Exodus and the conclusions based thereon are entirely wrong. However rich and many-sided may have been the traditions from which the author drew his material, the book from beginning to end is composed and arranged according to a predetermined plan. The fundamental errors of the critical views are these: (1) The distinction made between J and E is erroneous, resting as it does on the varying use of the divine names "Yhwh" and "Elohim"; this use does not indicate a difference in authorship, but is due to the different meanings of the two names, the choice of which is carefully considered in each case. The statement that E uses in iii. 15 the name "Yhwh" for the first time, is due to a wrong interpretation; it is based on the Alexandrian-Essenic-Christian-Gnostic common superstition of the power of names and mere words, which, going back to Egyptian antiquity, is strongly marked in the New Testament—and hence naturally influences modern scholars—but is entirely foreign to the Old Testament. The verses vi. 2 et seq. are likewise interpreted wrongly. (2) An entirely insufficient argument is the alleged further variations of the language; for this presupposes the point to be proved. This argument turns in a circle: the critics seek to prove different sources by the variations of language, and vice versa. Moreover, the vocabulary is too limited for such assertions. (3) The differences of style and treatment do not indicate different authors, but are called forth by the different subjects. The account of the Tabernacle demanded technical details; while the stories of the deliverance from Egypt and of the revelation on Sinai prompted a strong, energetic, and thoughtful style. A separation into JE and P is not admissible. (4) All suggestions of reduplications, differences, and contradictions show an insufficient insight into the spirit and intentions of the author. Ch. i.-vi., for example, appear, on close investigation, to be an indissolubly united passage, from which not one word may be omitted. The same holds good of the story of the Egyptian miracles (vii.-xi.), the arrangement of which the critics have entirely misunderstood. The critics have refuted their own argument by making as a criterion of the division of this narrative into J and E the very want of definite scheme which is, according to them, characteristic of J and E.
The Book of the Covenant (xix.-xxiv.) is a unified piece of work, with logical connections that are admirably established. The alleged double tradition of the revelation, and especially Wellhausen's so-called second Decalogue in ch. xxxiv., are mere figments of the brain. The inadequacy of these criticisms is most striking in the review of the account of the Tabernacle, in the sequence of the passages xxv.-xxxi. and xxxv.-xl. and their connection with xxxii.-xxxiv. (5) The theory that the book was compiled from previous works is not sufficiently supported; and the attempt to analyze it into its component parts is a hopeless one, for all the elements of the book are closely welded together into one harmonious whole. nullCompare Deuteronomy.
Bibliography: The commentaries: M. Kalisch, 1855;
A. Knobel, 1857 (2d ed. by A. Dillmann, 1880;
3d ed. by V. Ryssel, 1897);
J. P. Lange, 1874;
Rawlinson, 2d ed., 1882;
H. L. Strack, 1894;
B. Baentsch, 1899.
Criticism: Th. Nöldeke, Untersuchungen zur Kritik des Alten Testaments, 1869;
Colenso, The Pentateuch and Book of Joshua, vi., 1872;
A. Kayser, Das Vorexilische, Buch der Urgesch. Israels und Seine Erweiterungen, 1874;
Wellhausen, Die Composition des Hexateuch und der Historischen Bücher des Alten Testaments, 1876-77, 2d ed. 1889;
A. Jülicher, Die Quellen von Exodus, i.-vii. 7, 1880;
idem, Die Quellen von Exodus, vii. 8-xxiv. 11, in Jahrb. für Protestantische Theologie, 1882, viii. 79-177, 272-315;
A. Kuenen, in Theologische Tijdschrift, 1880, xiv. 281-302 (Ex. xvi.);
ib. 1881, xv. 164-223, (Israel at Sinai, Ex. xix.-xxiv., xxxii.-xxxiv.);
Cornill, in Stade's Zeitschrift, 1881, xi. (on the relation of Ex. xvii. 1-7 to Num. xx. 1-13);
E. Bertheau, Die Sieben Gruppen Mosaischer Gesetze, etc., 1840;
Bruston, Les Quatre Sources des Lois de l'Exode, in Revue de Théologie et de Philosophie, 1883, xvi. 329-369;
idem, Des Cinq Documents de la Loi Mosaïque, 1892;
J. W. Rothstein, Das Bundesbuch und die Religionsgesch. Entwickelung Israels, 1888 (designates Ex. xxi. et seq. as a commentary to the Decalogue);
Budde, Die Gesetzgebung der Mittleren Bücher des Pentateuch, Insbesondere der Quellen J und E, in Stade's Zeitschrift, 1891, xi. 193-234;
idem, Bemerkungen zum Bundesbuch, in ib. pp. 99 et seq.;
B. W. Bacon, JE in the Middle Books of the Pentateuch, in Jour. Bib. Lit. 1890, ix a, 161-200 (Ex. vii.-xii.);
ib. 1891, x b, 107-130 (Ex. i.-vii.);
ib. xi b. 1892, 177-200 (Ex. xii. 37-xvii. 16);
ib. 1893, xii a, 23-46 (Ex. xviii.-xxxiv.);
idem, The Triple Tradition of the Exodus, Hartford, 1894;
B. Baentsch, Das Bundesbuch, 1892 (Ex. xx. 23-xxiii. 33);
L. B. Paton, The Original Form of the Book of the Covenant, in Jour. Bib. Lit. 1893, xii b, 79-93;
Briggs, Higher Criticism of the Hexateuch, 1893, Appendix, vi.;
idem, The Greater Book of the Covenant, etc., pp. 211-232;
R. Kraetzschmar, Die Bundesvorstellung im A. T. 1896, pp. 70-99;
Steuernagel, Der Jehovistische, Bericht über den Bundesschluss am Sinai (Ex. xix.-xxiv., xxxi. 18, xxxiv. 28), in Studien und Kritiken, 1899, p. 319.
On the Decalogue in particular: Franz Delitzsch, Der Dekalog in Exodus und Deuteronomium, in Zeitschrift für Kirchliche Wissenschaft, 1882, iii. 281-299;
O. Naumann, Der Dekalog und das Sinaitische Bundesbuch, ib. 1888, pp. 551-571;
C. G. Monteflore, Recent Criticism upon Moses and the Pentateuchal Narratives of the Decalogue, in J. Q. R. 1891, xi. 251-291;
Briggs, The Higher Criticism, Appendix, iii. 181-187;
O. Meissner, Der Dekalog, 1893.
On the question of the division of the Ten Commandments: Dillmann, l.c. p. 221. On the Tabernacle: J. Popper, Der Biblische Bericht über die Stiftshütte, 1862;
Delitzsch, in Zeitschrift für Kirchliche Wissenschaft und Kirchliches Leben, 1880, i. 57-66, 622;
Green, in Presbyterian and Reformed Review, v. 69-88;
A. Klostermann, in Neue Kirchliche Zeitscrift, 1897, pp. 48-77, 228-253, 289-328, 353-383;
introductions by Kuenen, Cornill, Strack, Driver, König, Baudissin, and especially Holzinger, Einleitung in den Hexateuch, 1893.B. J.
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